FRED  LOCKLEY 

RARE  WESTERN  BOOKS 

4227  S.  E.  Stark  St. 
PORTLAND.  ORE. 


Mosby's 
War  Reminiscences 

Stuart's 
Cavalry  Campaigns 

By 
JOHN  S.  MOSBY 


New  York       , -Vv»^' 


Do'dd,  Mead  and  Company 
1898 


•<* 

3 


COPYRIGHT,  1887, 

BY 

GEO.  A.  JONES   &   CO, 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Opening  of  Hostilities.  Volunteering  to  serve  the  Confederacy. 
Virginia  Brimfull  of  Patriotism.  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  showing 
Qualities  of  a  Great  Leader  of  Cavalry .  5 

CHAPTER  II. 
Experiences  in  the  Confederate  Cavalry.     Adventures  on  the 

Picket  Line.     Capture  of  a  Federal  Wagon  Train  .    .    •    .       14 

CHAPTER  III. 

Christmastide  Raids.  Why  Union  Cavalrymen  once  left  their 
Turkeys.  Cripples  who  harassed  the  Federal  Camp  by 
Night.  Ben  Hatton's  Experience  as  an  Unwilling  Guide  .  2/ 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Harassing  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Exciting  Raid  in  North 
ern  Virginia.  The  Bucktail  Plan  to  capture  Mosby's 
Command ••••  39 

CHAPTER  V. 

How  Major  Gilmer  tried  to  capture  Mosby's  Command.  Scared 
Vermonters  hide  in  a  Miller's  Wheat  Bins.  Sorrow  changed 
to  Happiness  at  Middleburg,  Va •  50 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Sergeant  Ames,  of  the  Fifth  New  York  Cavalry,  deserts  and  joins 
Mosby.  Old  Dr.  Drake's  Saddle-Bags.  Capture  of  a  Fed 
eral  Picket  at  Herndon  Station.  The  Dash  and  Excite 
ment  of  a  Cavalry  Skirmish.  A  Shot  in  the  Dark  .  •  •  6* 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Sudden  Attacks  upon  Federal  Cavalry  Outposts.  A  Confederate 
Blacksmith's  Achievements  in  Arms.  A  Running  Fight. 
How  a  Repulse  was  Turned  into  a  Victory.  The  Sabre  as 
a  Weapon  for  Cavalrymen , 78 


948190 


4  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Influence  of  Martinets  and  Red  Tape  on  the  Confederate 
Service.  A  Hand  to  Hand  Fight  with  Vermont  Cavalry. 
A  Close  Call.  The  Remorseless  Revolver.  Impending  De 
feat  turned  into  Triumph.  The  Ludicrous 98 

CHAPTER  IX. 

In  Pursuit.  Elaborate  Plans  made  to  capture  "  Mosby."  How 
a  Union  Major-General  deceived  himself.  A  Chase  that 
failed  to  accomplish  its  Object.  Why  a  Raid  on  a  Railroad 
was  temporarily  postponed 115 

CHAPTER  X. 

In  the  Saddle.  What  saved  Hooker's  Supplies  at  Chancellors- 
ville.  Cavalry  Skirmishes.  Raids  against  Wagon  Trains 
and  Railroad  Guards ••..  129 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Raid  through  the  Lines  of  the  Union  Army.    A  Wrecked  Train. 

Brave  Spirits  who  fell  by  the  Little  Howitzer 142 

CHAPTER   XII. 

On  the  Road  to  Gettysburg.  Raid  over  the  Potomac  River  into 
Maryland.  Narrow  Escape  from  Capture.  Marches  at  Night 
in  the  Union  Columns 154 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Gen.  Stuart's  Raid  around  the  Rear  of  Hooker's  Army.  Gen. 
Longstreet,  in  the  Century  Magazine,  condemns  Stuart's 
"  Wild  Ride  around  the  Federal  Army."  Letter  from  Gen. 
Longstreet  to  Gen.  Lee,  suggesting  Stuart's  "Wild  Ride 
around  the  Federal  Army."  Stuart  acting  under  Orders  .  .  178 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Stuart's  Cavalry.     Descriptive  of  Stuart's  Raid  around  McClel- 

lan's  Army     „ .      .  205 


MOSBY'S  WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

"  Rebellion! 
How  many  a  spirit  born  to  bless, 

Hath  sunk  beneath  that  withering  name, 
Whom  but  a  day's  —  an  hour's  —  success 

Had  wafted  to  eternal  fame."  —  Tom  Moore. 

TN  April,  1 86 1,  I  was  attending  court  at  Abingdon, 
-••  Va.,  when  I  met  a  person  who  had  just  stepped 
out  of  the  telegraph  office,  who  informed  me  that 
tremendous  tidings  were  passing  over  the  wires. 
Going  in,  I  inquired  of  the  operator  what  it  was,  who 
told  me  that  Lincoln  had  issued  a  proclamation  call 
ing  out  troops.  Fort  Sumter  had  fallen  two  days 
before.  The  public  mind  was  already  strained  to  a 
high  pitch  of  excitement,  and  it  required  only  a  spark 
to  produce  an  explosion.  The  indignation  aroused 
by  the  President's  proclamation  spread  like  fire  on 
a  prairie,  and  the  laws  became  silent  in  the  midst  of 
arms.  People  of  every  age,  sex,  and  condition  were 
borne  away  on  the  tide  of  excited  feeling  that  swept 
over  the  land. 


6  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

The  home  of  Gov.  John  B.  Floyd,  who  had  resigned 
as  secretary  of  war  under  Buchanan,  was  at  Abing- 
don.  I  went  to  his  house  and  told  him  the  news. 
He  immediately  issued  a  call  to  arms,  which  re- 
Bounded  like  the  roll  of  Ziska's  drum  among  the 
mountains  of  southwestern  Virginia.  Many  of  the 
most  influential  families  in  that  region  were  descend 
ants  of  the  men  who  had  fought  under  Morgan  and 
Campbell  at  Eutaw  Springs  and  King's  Mountain. 
Their  military  spirit  was  inflamed  by  stirring  appeals 
to  the  memories  of  the  deeds  their  sires  had  done. 
Women,  too,  came  forward  to  inspire  men  with  a 
spirit  of  heroic  self-sacrifice,  and  a  devotion  that 
rivalled  the  maidens  of  Carthage  and  Saragossa. 

All  the  pride  and  affection  that  Virginians  had 
felt  in  the  traditions  of  the  government  which  their 
ancestors  had  made,  and  the  great  inheritance  which 
they  had  bequeathed,  were  lost  in  the  overpowering 
sentiment  of  sympathy  with  the  people  who  were 
threatened  with  invasion.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose 
that  the  Virginia  people  went  to  war  in  obedience 
to  any  decree  of  their  State,  commanding  them  to 
go.  On  the  contrary,  the  people  were  in  a  state  of 
armed  revolution  before  the  State  had  acted  in  its 
corporate  capacity.  I  went  along  with  the  flood  like 
everybody  else.  A  few  individuals  here  and  there 
attempted  to  breast  the  storm  of  passion,  and  ap- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


7 


peared  like  Virgil's  ship-wrecked  mariners,  "Rari 
nantes  in  surgite  vasto."  Their  fate  did  not  encour 
age  others  to  follow  their  example,  and  all  that  they 
did  was  to  serve  "like  ocean  wrecks  to  illuminate 
the  storm."  In  anticipation  of  these  events,  a  cavalry 
company  had  for  some  months  been  in  process  of 
organization,  which  I  had  joined  as  a  private.  This 
company  —  known  as  the  Washington  Mounted 
Rifles  —  was  immediately  called  together  by  its  com 
manding  officer,  Capt.  William  E.  Jones.  Capt. 
Jones  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  had  re 
signed  some  years  before  from  the  United  States 
army.  He  was  a  stern  disciplinarian,  and  devoted 
to  duty.  Under  a  rugged  manner  and  impracticable 
temper  he  had  a  heart  that  beat  with  warm  impulses. 
To  his  inferiors  in  rank  he  was  just  and  kind,  but 
too  much  inclined  to  cross  the  wishes  and  criticise 
the  orders  of  his  superiors.  He  had  been  a  class 
mate  of  Stonewall  Jackson  at  the  military  academy, 
and  related  to  me  many  anecdotes  of  Jackson's  piety, 
as  well  as  his  eccentricities.  He  was  a  hard  swearer; 
and  a  few  days  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run  he  told 
me  that  he  was  at  Jackson's  headquarters,  and  Jack 
son  got  very  much  provoked  at  something  a  soldier 
had  done,  when  Jones  said,  "Jackson,  let  me  cuss 
him  for  you."  He  fell  in  battle  with  Gen.  Hunter, 
in  the  valley  of  Virginia,  in  June,  1864.  We  went 
into  barracks  at  Abingdon,  and  began  drilling. 


g  AfOSJSY'S    IV AR  REMINISCENCES. 

No  service  I  ever  had  to  perform  during  the  war 
went  as  much  against  the  grain  as  standing  guard 
the  first  night  I  was  in  camp.  I  had  no  friends  in 
the  cavalry  company,  so  I  applied  to  Gov.  Litchen 
for  a  transfer  to  an  infantry  company  that  had  been 
raised  in  that  part  of  the  county  where  I  resided. 
But  on  the  very  day  I  made  the  application,  a  tele 
graphic  order  came  for  us  to  start  for  Richmond 
immediately,  and  I  never  heard  anything  more  of  it. 
My  company  marched  on  horseback  all  the  way  to 
Richmond  —  about  five  hundred  miles  —  while  the 
infantry  company  went  by  rail.  But  how  small  is 
the  control  that  mortals  have  over  their  own  desti 
nies.  The  company  to  which  I  unsuccessfully 
applied  to  be  transferred  became  a  part  of  the 
immortal  division  of  Stonewall  Jackson,  in  which  I 
would  have  had  only  a  slight  chance  of  asserting  my 
individuality,  which  would  have  been  merged  in  the 
mass.  I  remember  distinctly,  now,  how  with  a  heart 
almost  bursting  with  grief,  in  the  midst  of  a  rain,  I 
bade  my  friends  in  the  infantry  company  farewell 
just  as  they  were  about  getting  on  the  train.  I  had 
no  dream  then  that  I  would  ever  be  anything  more 
than  a  private  soldier.  On  the  same  day  in  rain  and 
mud  we  started  on  the  march  to  Richmond.  A  few 
days  before  a  flag  had  been  presented  to  our  com 
pany  by  a  young  lady,  with  an  address  in  which  she 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  g 

reminded  us  that  "the  coward  dies  a  thousand 
deaths  —  the  brave  man  dies  but  one."  I  am  sure 
there  was  not  a  man  among  us  who  did  not  feel  the 
ambition  of  the  youth  in  Longfellow's  poem,  bearing 

Onward  amid  the  ice  and  snow  of  Alpine  heights 
His  banner  with  its  strange  device. 

The  march  to  Richmond  under  a  soldier  who  had 
bivouacked  on  the  plains  was  a  course  of  beneficial 
discipline.  The  grief  of  parting  from  home  and 
friends  soon  wore  away,  and  we  all  were  as  gay  as  if 
we  were  going  to  a  wedding  or  a  picnic.  Gloom  was 
succeeded  by  mirth  and  songs  of  gladness,  and  if 
Abraham  Lincoln  could  have  been  sung  out  of  the 
South  as  James  II.  was  out  of  England,  our  company 
would  have  done  it  and  saved  the  country  all  the 
righting.  The  favorite  songs  were  generally  those  of 
sentiment  and  sadness,  intermingled  with  an  occa 
sional  comic  melody.  I  remember  this  refrain  of  one 
that  often  resounded  from  the  head  to  the  rear  of  the 
column  as  we  passed  some  farmer's  house : 

He  who  has  good  buttermilk  a  plenty,  and  gives  the  soldiers 

none, 
He  shan't  have  any  of  our  buttermilk  when  his  buttermilk  is 

gone. 

The  buttermilk,  as  well  as  everything  else  that 
the  farmer  had  that  was  good,  was  generally  given 


JO  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

to  the  soldiers.     The  country  was  brimful  of  patrK 
otism. 

The  gayety  with  which  men  marched  into  the  face 
of  death  is  not  so  remarkable  as  the  fortitude  and 
cheerfulness  of  the  wives  and  mothers  who  stayed 
at  home  and  waited  for  the  news  of  the  battles. 
In  nearly  every  home  of  the  South  could  be  found 
an  example  of  that  Spartan  mother  who  sent  her 
son  to  the  wars  with  her  last  injunction  to  return 
with  his  shield  or  return  upon  it.  This  courage, 
exhibited  in  the  beginning,  survived  to  the  last, 
through  all  the  long  agony  and  bloody  sweat  of  the 
struggle.  On  reaching  Richmond,  after  a  few  days' 
rest,  we  were  ordered  to  the  Shenandoah  valley. 
A  day  or  so  before  we  started,  Capt.  Jones  made 
a  requisition  on  the  quartermaster's  department  for 
clothing  for  his  company.  We  were  furnished  with 
suits  of  a  very  rough  quality  of  goods  manufactured 
in  the  Virginia  penitentiary.  It  almost  produced  a 
mutiny  in  the  camp.  The  men  piled  the  clothes 
up  in  front  of  the  captain's  tent.  Only  two  refused 
to  wear  them  —  Private  Fountain  Beattie  and  my 
self.  I  do  not  think  any  clothes  I  ever  wore  did 
me  more  service  than  these.  When  I  became  a 
commander  I  made  Beattie  a  lieutenant.  I  think  we 
were  both  as  contented  on  the  picket  line,  dressed 
in  our  penitentiary  suits,  as  we  ever  were  in  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  n 

gay  uniforms  we  afterwards  wore.  Our  march  from 
Richmond  to  the  Shenandoah  valley  was  an  ovation 
—  our  people  had  had  no  experiences  of  the  misery 
and  desolation  that  follow  in  the  track  of  war ;  they 
were  full  of  its  romance,  and  expected  us  to  win 
battles  that  would  rival  the  glories  of  Wagram  and 
Marengo.  They  never  counted  the  cost  of  victory. 

Our  company  was  incorporated  into  the  ist  regi 
ment  of  Virginia  cavalry,  commanded  by  Col.  J.  E. 
B.  Stuart.  It  was  stationed  at  a  village  called 
Bunker  Hill,  on  the  turnpike  leading  from  Win 
chester  to  Martin  sburg,  and  was  observing  the  Union 
army  under  Patterson,  which  was  then  stationed  at 
the  latter  place,  on  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Railroad. 
Gen.  Joseph  E.  Johnston  then  had  his  headquarters 
at  Winchester.  I  first  saw  Stuart  at  Bunker  Hill. 
He  had  then  lately  resigned  from  the  United  States 
army  to  link  his  fortunes  with  the  Southern  Con 
federacy.  He  was  just  twenty-eight  years  of  age  — 
one  year  older  than  myself  —  strongly  built,  with 
blue  eyes,  ruddy  complexion,  and  a  reddish  beard. 
He  wore  a  blouse  and  foraging  cap  with  a  linen 
cover,  called  a  havelock,  as  a  protection  against  the 
sun.  His  personal  appearance  indicated  the  dis 
tinguishing  traits  of  his  character  —  dash,  great 
strength  of  will,  and  indomitable  energy.  Stuart 
soon  showed  that  he  possessed  all  the  qualities  of  a 


12  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

great  leader  of  cavalry  —  a  sound  judgment,  a  quick 
intelligence  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  an  enemy, 
mingled  with  the  brilliant  courage  of  Rupert. 

There  was  then  such  a  wide  chasm  between  me 
and  him  that  I  was  only  permitted  to  view  him  at  a 
distance,  and  had  no  thought  of  ever  rising  to  inti 
macy  with  him.  He  took  us  the  next  day  on  a  scout 
down  toward  Martinsburg  and  gave  us  our  first  lesson 
in  war  and  sight  of  the  enemy.  We  saw  the  hills 
around  the  town  covered  with  the  white  tents  of  the 
Union  army,  and  caught  two  soldiers  who  had  ven 
tured  too  far  outside  the  picket  lines.  Since  then  I 
have  witnessed  the  capture  of  thousands,  but  have 
never  felt  the  same  joy  as  I  did  over  these  first  two 
prisoners. 

A  few  days  after  this,  Patterson  started  out  on  a 
promenade  toward  Winchester,  and  then  turned 
squarely  off,  and  went  back  toward  Charlestown. 
Patterson  made  a  good  deal  of  noise  with  the  shells 
that  he  threw  at  us,  but  nobody  was  hurt.  Stuart 
kept  close  on  his  flanks,  both  to  watch  his  move 
ments  and  to  screen  Johnston's,  who  had  just  be 
gun  to  move  to  join  Beauregard  at  Manassas.  Fitz 
John  Porter  and  George  H.  Thomas,  who  afterward 
became  distinguished  generals,  were  on  his  staff. 
Patterson  has  been  greatly  censured  for  not  pressing 
Johnston,  and  detaining  him  in  the  Shenandoah  val- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  j^ 

ley,  instead  of  making  the  retrograde  movement  to 
Charlestown  that  permitted  his  escape.  He  alleges 
that  he  acted  under  the  advice  of  his  staff  officers. 
Patterson  was  a  conspicuous  figure  as  well  as  fail 
ure  in  the  first  scene  of  the  first  act  of  the  drama 
of  war ;  after  that  he  disappeared  forever.  His  cam 
paign  in  the  Shenandoah  valley  was  a  mere  pro 
logue  to  the  great  tragedy  that  was  afterward  acted 
there.  Stuart  left  him  in  a  position  where  he  could 
neither  be  of  advantage  to  the  cause  he  upheld  nor 
injury  to  that  he  opposed,  and  crossed  the  Blue 
Ridge  to  take  part  in  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  on  the 
2  ist  of  July. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  II. 

**  O !  shadow  of  glory  —  dim  image  of  war — 
The  chase  hath  no  story  —  her  hero  no  star." 

—  Byron,  Deformed  Transformed. 

A  FTER  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  Stuart's 
•**"  cavalry  was  engaged  in  performing  outpost 
duty  on  our  front,  which  extended  from  the  falls 
above  Washington  to  Occoquan,  on  the  lower  Poto 
mac.  There  were  no  opportunities  for  adventurous 
enterprise.  McClellan's  army  was  almost  in  a  state 
of  siege  in  Washington,  and  his  cavalry  but  rarely 
showed  themselves  outside  his  infantry  picket  line. 
We  had  to  go  on  picket  duty  three  times  a  week 
and  remain  twenty-four  hours.  The  work  was  pretty 
hard ;  but  still,  soldiers  liked  it  better  than  the  irk 
some  life  of  the  camp.  I  have  often  sat  alone  on  my 
horse  from  midnight  to  daybreak,  keeping  watch 
over  the  sleeping  army.  During  this  period  of  inac 
tion,  the  stereotyped  message  sent  every  night  from 
Washington  to  the  northern  press  was,  "All  quiet 
along  the  Potomac." 

While  I  was  a  private  in  Stuart's  cavalry,  I  never 
missed  but  one  tour  of  outpost  duty,  and  then  I 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  l$ 

was  confined  in  the  hospital  from  an  injury.  With 
one  other,  I  was  stationed  at  the  post  on  the  road 
leading  from  Fall's  Church  to  Lewinsville,  in  Fair 
fax.  At  night  we  relieved  each  other  alternately, 
one  sleeping  while  the  other  watched.  About  dusk, 
Capt.  Jones  had  ridden  to  the  post  and  instructed 
us  that  we  had  no  troops  outside  our  lines  on  that 
road,  and  that  we  must  fire,  without  halting,  on  any 
body  of  men  approaching  from  that  direction,  as 
they  would  be  the  enemy.  The  night  was  dark,  and 
it  had  come  my  turn  to  sleep.  I  was  lying  on  the 
ground,  with  the  soft  side  of  a  stone  for  a  pillow, 
when  I  was  suddenly  aroused  by  my  companion, 
who  called  to  me  to  mount,  that  the  Yankees  were 
coming.  In  an  almost  unconscious  state  I  leaped 
into  my  saddle,  and  at  the  same  instant  threw 
forward  my  carbine,  and  both  of  us  fired  on  a  body 
of  cavalry  not  fifty  yards  distant.  Fortunately,  we 
fired  so  low  our  bullets  struck  the  ground  just  in 
front  of  them.  The  flash  from  my  carbine  in  my 
horse's  face  frightened  him  terribly.  He  wheeled, 
and  that  is  the  last  I  remember  about  that  night. 
The  next  thing  I  recollect  is  that  some  time  during 
the  next  day  I  became  conscious,  and  found  myself 
lying  on  a  bed  at  the  house  of  the  keeper  of  the 
toll-gate.  Capt.  Jones  and  several  of  the  men  of  my 
company  were  standing  by  me.  It  appears  that  the 


!6  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

night  before  Stuart  had  sent  a  company  of  cavalry 
to  Lewinsville  for  some  purpose.  This  company 
had  gone  out  by  one  road  and  returned  on  the  one 
where  I  had  been  posted.  My  horse  had  run  away 
and  fallen  over  a  cow  that  was  lying  down,  and 
rolled  over  me.  The  company  of  cavalry  coming 
along  the  same  way,  their  horses  in  front  started 
and  snorted  at  something  lying  in  the  road.  They 
halted,  some  of  them  dismounted  to  see  what  it 
was,  and  discovered  me  there  in  an  insensible  state. 
They  picked  me  up  and  carried  me  into  the  village, 
apparently  dying.  I  was  bruised  from  head  to  foot, 
and  felt  like  every  bone  in  my  body  had  been  bro 
ken.  I  had  to  be  carried  to  Fairbay  Court  House 
in  an  ambulance.  There  is  a  tradition  that  when 
Capt.  Jones  looked  on  me  that  night  he  swore 
harder  than  the  army  in  Flanders.  The  feelings 
he  expressed  for  the  officer  in  fault  were  not  so 
benevolent  as  my  Uncle  Toby's  for  the  fly. 

While  the  cavalry  did  not  have  an  opportunity  to 
do  much  fighting  during  the  first  year  of  the  war, 
they  learned  to  perform  the  duties  and  endure  the 
privations  of  a  soldier's  life.  My  experience  in  this 
school  was  of  great  advantage  to  me  in  the  after 
years  when  I  became  a  commander.  There  was 
a  thirst  for  adventure  among  the  men  in  the  cav 
alry,  and  a  positive  pleasure  to  get  an  occasional 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ip 

shot  "from  a  rifleman  hid  in  a  thicket."  There 
were  often  false  alarms,  and  sometimes  real  ones, 
from  scouting  parties  of  infantry  who  would  come 
up  at  night  to  surprise  our  pickets.  A  vivid  imagi 
nation  united  with  a  nervous  temperament  can  see 
in  the  dark  the  shapes  of  many  things  that  have  no 
real  existence.  A  rabbit  making  its  nocturnal  rounds, 
a  cow  grazing,  a  hog  rooting  for  acorns,  an  owl 
hooting,  or  the  screech  of  a  night  hawk  could  often 
arouse  and  sometimes  stampede  an  outpost  or  draw 
the  fire  of  a  whole  line  of  pickets.  At  the  first  shot, 
the  reserve  would  mount ;  and  soon  the  videttes 
would  come  running  in  at  full  speed.  There  was 
an  old  gray  horse  roaming  about  the  fields  at  Fairfax 
Court  House  during  the  first  winter  of  the  war  that 
must  have  been  fired  at  a  hundred  times  at  night 
by  our  videttes,  and  yet  was  never  touched.  I  have 
never  heard  whether  Congress  has  voted  him  a  pen 
sion.  The  last  time  that  I  was  ever  on  picket  was 
in  February,  1862.  The  snow  was  deep  and  hard 
frozen.  My  post  was  on  the  outskirts  of  Fairfax 
Court  House,  at  the  junction  of  the  Washington 
road  and  turnpike.  I  wore  a  woollen  hood  to  keep 
my  ears  from  freezing,  and  a  blanket  thrown  around 
me  as  a  protection  against  the  cold  wind.  The 
night  was  clear,  and  all  that's  best  of  dark  and 
bright.  I  sat  on  my  horse  under  the  shadow  of 


!$  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

a  tree,  both  as  a  protection  from  the  piercing  blast 
and  as  a  screen  from  the  sight  of  an  enemy.  I  had 
gone  on  duty  at  midnight,  to  remain  until  daybreak. 
The  deep  silence  was  occasionally  broken  by  the  cry 
of  "  Halt ! "  from  some  distant  sentinel,  as  he  chal 
lenged  the  patrol  or  relief.  The  swaying  branches 
of  the  trees  in  the  moonlight  cast  all  sorts  of  fan 
tastic  forms  on  the  crystal  snow.  In  this  deep  soli 
tude,  I  was  watching  for  danger  and  communing 
with  the  spirit  of  the  past.  At  this  very  spot,  a  few 
nights  before,  the  vidette  had  been  fired  on  by  a 
scouting  party  of  infantry  that  had  come  up  from 
McClellan's  camps  below.  But  the  old  gray  horse 
had  several  times  got  up  a  panic  there  which  raised 
a  laugh  on  the  soldiers. 

Now  I  confess  that  I  was  about  as  much  afraid  of 
ridicule  as  of  being  shot,  and  so,  unless  I  got  killed 
or  captured,  I  resolved  to  spend  the  night  there. 
Horatius  Codes  was  not  more  determined  to  hold  his 
position  on  the  bridge  of  the  Tiber,  than  I  was  to 
stay  at  my  post,  but  perhaps  his  motives  were  less 
mixed  than  mine.  I  had  been  long  pondering  and 
remembering,  and  in  my  reverie  had  visited  the  fields 
that  I  had  traversed  "  in  life's  morning  march  when 
my  bosom  was  young."  I  was  suddenly  aroused  by 
the  crash  of  footsteps  breaking  the  crust  of  the  hard 
snow.  The  sound  appeared  to  proceed  from  some- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ig 

thing  approaching  me  with  the  measured  tread  of  a 
file  of  soldiers.  It  was  screened  from  my  view  by 
some  houses  near  the  roadside.  I  was  sure  that  it 
was  an  enemy  creeping  up  to  get  a  shot  at  me,  for  I 
thought  that  even  the  old  horse  would  not  have  ven 
tured  out  on  such  a  night,  unless  under  orders.  My 
heart  began  to  sicken  within  me  pretty  much  like 
Hector's  did  when  he  had  to  face  the  wrath  of 
Achilles.  My  horse,  shivering  with  cold,  with  the 
instinct  of  danger,  pricked  up  his  ears  and  listened 
as  eagerly  as  I  did  to  the  footsteps  as  they  got  near. 
I  drew  my  pistol,  cocked  it,  and  took  aim  at  the  cor 
ner  around  which  this  object  must  come.  I  wanted 
to  get  the  advantage  of  the  first  shot.  Just  then  the 
hero  of  a  hundred  panics  appeared  —  the  old  gray 
horse !  I  returned  my  pistol  to  my  belt  and  relapsed 
into  reverie.  I  was  happy :  my  credit  as  a  soldier 
had  been  saved. 

A  couple  of  days  after  this  my  company  returned 
there,  as  usual,  on  picket.  On  this  same  morning 
Stuart  came,  making  an  inspection  of  the  outposts. 
It  happened  that  there  were  two  young  ladies  living 
at  Fairfax  Court  House,  acquaintances  of  his,  who 
did  not  like  to  stay  in  such  an  exposed  situation,  and 
so  Stuart  had  arranged  to  send  them  to  the  house  of 
a  friend  near  Fryingpan,  which  was  further  within  our 
lines.  At  that  time  the  possibility  of  our  army  ever 


20  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

retiring  to  Richmond  had  not  been  conceived  by  the 
rank  and  file.  Stuart  had  then  become  a  brigadier- 
general,  and  Capt.  Jones  had  been  promoted  to  be 
colonel  of  the  ist  Virginia  cavalry.  Although  I 
served  under  Stuart  almost  from  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  I  had  no  personal  acquaintance  with  him 
before  then.  He  asked  Capt.  Blackford  to  detail 
a  man  to  go  along  as  an  escort  for  the  two  ladies. 
I  had  often  been  invited  to  the  house  of  one  of  them 
by  her  father,  so  I  was  selected  on  that  account  to 
go  with  them.  I  left  my  horse  with  my  friend 
Beattie  to  lead  back  to  camp,  and  took  a  seat  in 
the  carriage  with  the  ladies.  This  was  on  the  I2th 
of  February,  1862.  It  began  snowing  just  as  we 
started,  and  it  was  late  in  the  afternoon  before  we 
got  to  Fryingpan.  I  then  went  in  the  carriage  to 
Stuart's  headquarters  a  few  miles  off,  at  Centreville. 
It  was  dark  when  I  got  there.  I  reported  to  him  the 
result  of  my  mission  to  Fryingpan,  and  asked  for  a 
pass  to  go  back  to  the  camp  of  my  regiment,  which 
was  about  four  miles  off  on  Bull  Run.  Stuart  told 
me  that  the  weather  was  too  bad  for  me  to  walk  to 
camp  that  night,  but  to  stay  where  I  was  until  next 
morning.  He  and  Generals  Joseph  E.  Johnston  and 
G.  W.  Smith  occupied  the  Grigsby  house  and  messed 
together.  I  sat  down  by  a  big  wood  fire  in  an  open 
fireplace  in  the  front  room,  where  he  and  the  other 


AfOS£Y'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  2l 

two  generals  were  also  sitting.  I  never  spoke  a 
word,  and  would  have  been  far  happier  trudging 
through  the  snow  back  to  camp,  or  even  as  a  vi- 
dette  on  a  picket  post.  I  felt  just  as  much  out  of 
place  and  uneasy  as  a  mortal  would  who  had  been 
lifted  to  a  seat  by  the  side  of  the  gods  on  Olympus. 
Presently  supper  was  announced.  The  generals  all 
walked  into  the  adjoining  room,  and  Stuart  told  me 
to  come  in.  After  they  had  sat  down  at  the  table, 
Stuart  observed  that  I  was  not  there  and  sent  for 
me.  I  was  still  sitting  by  the  fire.  I  obeyed  his 
summons  like  a  good  soldier,  and  took  my  place 
among  the  dil  majores.  I  was  pretty  hungry,  but 
did  not  enjoy  my  supper.  I  would  have  preferred 
fasting  or  eating  with  the  couriers.  I  know  I  never 
spoke  a  word  to  any  one  —  I  don't  think  I  raised  my 
eyes  from  off  my  plate  while  I  was  at  the  table. 

Now,  while  I  felt  so  much  oppressed  by  the  pres 
ence  of  men  of  such  high  rank,  there  was  nothing  in 
their  deportment  that  produced  it.  It  was  the  same 
way  the  next  morning.  Stuart  had  to  send  after  me 
to  come  in  to  breakfast.  I  went  pretty  much  in  the 
same  dutiful  spirit  that  Gibbon  says  that  he  broke 
his  marriage  engagement :  "  I  sighed  as  a  lover  and 
obeyed  as  a  son."  But  now  my  courage  rose ;  I 
actually  got  into  conversation  with  Joe  Johnston, 
whom  I  would  have  regarded  it  as  a  great  privilege 


22  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  day  before  to  view  through  a  long-range  telescope. 
The  generals  talked  of  Judah  P.  Benjamin's  (who 
was  then  Secretary  of  War)  breach  of  courtesy  to 
Stonewall  Jackson  that  had  caused  Jackson  to  send 
in  his  resignation.  They  were  all  on  Jackson's  side. 
There  was  nothing  going  on  about  Centreville  to 
indicate  the  evacuation  that  took  place  three  weeks 
after  that.  Stuart  let  me  have  a  horse  to  ride  back 
to  camp.  As  soon  as  I  got  there,  Col.  Jones  sent  for 
me  to  come  to  his  tent.  I  went,  and  he  offered  me 
the  place  of  adjutant  of  the  regiment.  I  had  had  no 
more  expectation  of  such  a  thing  than  of  being  trans 
lated  on  Elijah's  chariot  to  the  skies.  Of  course,  I 
accepted  it.  I  was  never  half  as  much  frightened  in 
any  fight  I  was  in  as  I  was  on  the  first  dress  parade  I 
conducted.  But  I  was  not  permitted  to  hold  the 
position  long.  About  two  months  after  that,  when 
we  had  marched  to  meet  McClellan  at.  Yorktown,  my 
regiment  reorganized  under  the  new  act  of  the  Con 
federate  Congress.  Fitz  Lee  was  elected  colonel  in 
place  of  Jones.  This  was  the  result  of  an  attempt  to 
mix  democracy  with  military  discipline.  Fitz  Lee 
did  not  reappoint  me  as  adjutant,  and  so  I  lost  my 
first  commission  on  the  spot  where  Cornwallis  lost 
his  sword.  This  was  at  the  time  an  unrecognized 
favor.  If  I  had  been  retained  as  adjutant,  I  would 
probably  have  never  been  anything  else.  So  at  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  2$ 

close  of  the  first  year  of  the  war  I  was,  in  point  of 
rank,  just  where  I  had  begun.  Well,  it  did  not  break 
my  heart.  When  the  army  was  retiring  from  Centre- 
ville,  Stuart's  cavalry  was  the  rear  guard,  and  I  had 
attracted  his  favorable  notice  by  several  expeditions 
I  had  led  to  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  So  Stuart  told 
me  to  come  to  his  headquarters  and  act  as  a  scout  for 
him.  A  scout  is  not  a  spy  who  goes  in  disguise,  but 
a  soldier  in  arms  and  uniform,  who  goes  among  as 
enemy's  lines  to  get  information  about  them.  Among 
the  survivors  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  there  are 
many  legends  afloat,  and  religiously  believed  to  be 
true,  of  a  mysterious  person  —  a  sort  of  Flying 
Dutchman  or  Wandering  Jew  —  prowling  among 
their  camps  in  the  daytime  in  the  garb  of  a  beggar 
or  with  a  pilgrim's  staff,  and  leading  cavalry  raids 
upon  them  at  night.  In  popular  imagination,  I  have 
been  identified  with  that  mythical  character. 

On  the  day  after  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassination,  Sec 
retary  Stanton  telegraphed  to  Gen.  Hancock,  then 
in  command  at  Winchester,  Va.,  that  I  had  been 
seen  at  the  theatre  in  Washington  on  that  fatal 
night.  Fortunately,  I  could  prove  an  alibi  by  Han 
cock  himself,  as  I  was  at  that  very  time  negotiating 
a  truce  with  him.  I  recently  heard  an  officer  of  the 
United  States  army  tell  a  story  of  his  being  with 
the  guard  for  a  wagon  train,  and  my  passing  him 


24  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

with  my  command  on  the  pike,  all  of  us  dressed  as 
Federal  soldiers,  and  cutting  the  train  out  from 
behind  him.  I  laughed  at  it,  like  everybody  who 
heard  it,  and  did  not  try  to  unsettle  his  faith.  To 
have  corrected  it  would  have  been  as  cruel  as  to 
dispel  the  illusion  of  childhood  that  the  story  of 
"  Little  Red  Riding  Hood  "  is  literally  true,  or  to 
doubt  the  real  presence  of  Santa  Claus.  It  was  all 
pure  fiction  about  our  being  dressed  in  blue  uni 
forms,  or  riding  with  him.  I  did  capture  the  wagon 
train  at  the  time  and  place  mentioned,  Oct.  26,  1863, 
at  the  Chestnut  Fork,  near  Warrenton,  Va.,  but  we 
never  even  saw  the  guard.  They  had  got  sleepy, 
and  gone  on  to  camp,  and  left  me  to  take  care  of 
their  wagons  —  which  I  did.  The  quartermaster  in 
charge  of  them,  Capt.  Stone,  who  was  made  pris 
oner,  called  to  pay  his  respects  to  me  a  few  days 
ago.  I  can  now  very  well  understand  how  the 
legendary  heroes  of  Greece  were  created.  I  always 
wore  the  Confederate  uniform,  with  the  insignia  of 
my  rank.  So  did  my  men.  So  any  success  I  may 
have  had,  either  as  an  individual  scout  or  partisan 
commander,  cannot  be  accounted  for  on  the  theory 
that  it  was  accomplished  through  disguise.  The 
hundreds  of  prisoners  I  took  are  witnesses  to  the 
contrary. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  25 

FAUQUIER  COUNTY,  VA.,  Feb.  4,  1863. 

GENERAL  :  —  I  arrived  in  this  neighborhood  about  one 
week  ago.  Since  then  I  have  been,  despite  the  bad 
weather,  quite  actively  engaged  with  the  enemy.  The 
result  up  to  this  time  has  been  the  capture  of  twenty-eight 
Yankee  cavalry  together  with  all  their  horses,  arms,  etc. 
The  evidence  of  parole  I  forward  with  this.  I  have  also 
paroled  a  number  of  deserters.  Col.  Sir  Percy  Wyndham, 
with  over  two  hundred  cavalry,  came  up  to  Middleburg  last 
week  to  punish  me,  as  he  said,  for  my  raids  on  his  picket 
line.  I  had  a  slight  skirmish  with  him,  in  which  my  loss 
was  three  men,  captured  by  the  falling  of  their  horses ;  the 
enemy's  loss,  one  man  and  three  horses  captured.  He  set 
a  very  nice  trap  a  few  days  ago  to  catch  me  in.  I  went  into 
it,  but,  contrary  to  the  Colonel's  expectations,  brought  the 
trap  off  with  me,  killing  one,  capturing  twelve ;  the  balance 
running.  The  extent  of  the  annoyance  I  have  been  to  the 
Yankees  may  be  judged  of  by  the  fact  that,  baffled  in  their 
attempts  to  capture  me,  they  threaten  to  retaliate  on  citi 
zens  for  my  acts. 

I  forward  to  you  some  correspondence  I  have  had  on  the 
subject.  The  most  of  the  infantry  has  left  Fairfax  and  gone 
towards  Fredericksburg.  In  Fairfax  there  are  five  or  six 
regiments  of  cavalry;  there  are  about  three  hundred  at 
Dranesville.  They  are  so  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the  com 
mand,  that  nothing  would  be  easier  than  their  capture.  I 
have  harassed  them  so  much  that  they  do  not  keep  their 
pickets  over  half  a  mile  from  camp.  There  is  no  artillery 
there.  I  start  on  another  trip  day  after  to-morrow. 

I  am,  most  respectfully,  yours,  etc., 

JOHN   S.  MOSBY. 
MAJ.-GEN.  J.  E.  B.  STUART. 


26  MOSBY' S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  DIVISION,  Feb.  8,  1863. 
Respectfully  forwarded  as  additional  proof  of  the  prowess, 
daring,  and  efficiency  of  Mosby  (without  commission)  and 
his  band  of  a  dozen  chosen  spirits. 

J.  E.  B.  STUART, 
Major-  General  Commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS,  Feb.  n,  1863. 

Respectfully  forwarded  to  the  Adjutant  and  Inspector- 
General  as  evidence  of  merit  of  Capt.  Mosby. 

R.  E.  LEE, 

General. 


MOSJSY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  III. 

A  FTER  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg,  in  Decem- 
•**•  ber,  1862,  there  was  a  lull  in  the  storm  of  war. 
The  men  on  the  outposts  along  the  Rappahannock 
had  a  sort  of  truce  to  hostilities,  and  began  swapping 
tobacco  and  coffee,  just  as  the  soldiers  of  Wellington 
and  Soult,  on  the  eve  of  a  great  battle,  filled  their 
canteens  from  the  same  stream.  At  that  time, 
Stuart  determined  to  make  a  Christmas  raid  about 
Dumfries,  which  was  on  Hooker's  line  of  communi 
cation  with  Washington.  I  went  with  him.  He  got 
many  prisoners,  and  wagons  loaded  with  bon-bons 
and  all  the  good  things  of  the  festive  season.  It 
made  us  happy,  but  almost  broke  the  sutlers'  hearts. 
A  regiment  of  Pennsylvania  cavalry  left  their  camp 
on  the  Occoquan,  and  their  Christmas  turkeys,  and 
came  out  to  look  for  us.  They  had  better  have 
stayed  at  home;  for  all  the  good  they  did  was  to 
lead  Stuart's  cavalry  into  their  camp  as  they  ran 
through  it.  After  leaving  Dumfries,  Stuart  asked 
me  to  take  Beattie  and  go  on  ahead.  The  road  ran 
through  a  dense  forest,  and  there  was  danger  of  an 


28  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

ambuscade,  of  which  every  soldier  has  a  horror  who 
has  read  of  Braddock's  defeat.  Beattie  and  I  went 
forward  at  a  gallop,  until  we  met  a  large  body  of 
cavalry.  As  no  support  was  in  sight,  several  officers 
made  a  dash  at  us,  and  at  the  same  time  opened  such 
a  fire  as  to  show  that  peace  on  earth  and  good  will 
to  men,  which  the  angels  and  morning  stars  had 
sung  on  that  day  over  1800  years  ago,  was  no  part 
of  their  creed.  The  very  fact  that  we  did  not  run 
away  ought  to  have  warned  them  that  somebody  was 
behind  us.  When  the  whole  body  had  got  within  a 
short  distance  of  us,  Stuart,  who  had  heard  the 
firing,  came  thundering  up  with  the  ist  Virginia 
cavalry.  All  the  fun  was  over  with  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians  then.  There  was  no  more  merry  Christmas 
for  them.  Wade  Hampton  was  riding  by  the  side  of 
Stuart.  He  went  into  the  fight  and  fought  like  a 
common  (or,  rather,  an  uncommon)  trooper.  The 
combat  was  short  and  sharp,  and  soon  became  a 
rout ;  the  Federal  cavalry  ran  right  through  their 
camp,  and  gave  a  last  look  at  their  turkeys  as  they 
passed.  But  alas !  they  were  "  grease,  but  living 
grease  no  more"  for  them.  There  was  probably 
some  method  in  their  madness  in  running  through 
their  camp.  They  calculated,  with  good  reason,  that 
the  temptation  would  stop  the  pursuit. 

A  few  days  ago  I  read,  in  a  book  giving  the  his- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  29 

tory  of  the  telegraph  in  the  war,  the  despatch  sent 
to  Washington  by  the  operator  near  there :  "  The 
i/th  Pennsylvania  cavalry  just  passed  here,  furi 
ously  charging  to  the  rear."  When  we  got  to 
Burke' s  Station,  on  the  Orange  and  Alexandria 
Railroad,  whik  his  command  was  closing  up,  Stuart 
put  his  own  operator  in  charge  of  the  instrument, 
and  listened  to  a  telegraphic  conversation  between 
the  general  commanding  at  Fairfax  Court-House 
and  the  authorities  at  Washington.  In  order  to  be 
wilder  and  puzzle  them,  he  sent  several  messages, 
which  put  them  on  a  false  scent.  Just  before  leav 
ing,  he  sent  a  message  to  Quartermaster-General 
Meigs,  complaining  of  the  inferior  quality  of  the 
mules  recently  furnished  by  him.  The  wire  was 
then  cut.  Having  learned  by  the  telegraph  that 
Fairfax  Court-House  was  held  by  a  brigade  of  in 
fantry,  Stuart  marched  around  north  of  it,  and  went 
into  Loudoun  —  a  land  flowing  with  plenty.  He  made 
his  headquarters  at  Col.  Rogers's,  near  Dover,  and 
rested  until  the  next  day.  On  the  morning  he  left, 
I  went  to  his  room,  and  asked  him  to  let  me  stay 
behind  for  a  few  days  with  a  squad  of  men.  I 
thought  I  could  do  something  with  them.  He  read 
ily  assented.  I  got  nine  men  —  including,  of  course, 
Beattie  —  who  volunteered  to  go  with  me.  This  was 
the  beginning  of  my  career  as  a  partisan.  The 


30  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

work  I  accomplished  in  two  or  three  days  with  this 
squad  induced  him  to  let  me  have  a  larger  force  to 
try  my  fortune.  I  took  my  men  down  into  Fairfax, 
and  in  two  days  captured  twenty  cavalrymen,  with 
their  horses,  arms,  and  equipments.  I  had  the  good 
luck,  by  mere  chance,  to  come  across  a  forester 
named  John  Underwood,  who  knew  every  rabbit- 
path  in  the  county.  He  was  a  brave  soldier,  as 
well  as  a  good  guide.  His  death  a  few  months 
afterward,  at  the  hands  of  a  deserter  from  our  own 
army,  was  one  of  the  greatest  losses  I  sustained  in 
the  war.  I  dismounted  to  capture  one  of  the  picket 
posts,  who  could  be  seen  by  the  light  of  their  fire 
in  the  woods.  We  walked  up  within  a  few  yards  of 
it.  The  men,  never  suspecting  danger,  were  ab 
sorbed  in  a  game  of  euchre.  I  halted,  and  looked 
on  for  a  minute  or  two,  for  I  hated  to  spoil  their 
sport.  At  last  I  fired  a  shot,  to  let  them  know  that 
their  relief  had  come.  Nobody  was  hurt ;  but  one 
fellow  was  so  much  frightened  that  he  nearly  jumped 
over  the  tops  of  the  trees. 

They  submitted  gracefully  to  the  fate  of  war.  I 
made  them  lie  down  by  a  fence,  and  left  a  mounted 
man  to  stand  guard  over  them  while  I  went  to  cap 
ture  another  post  about  two  miles  off.  These  were 
Vermont  cavalry,  and  being  from  the  land  of  steady 
habits  did  not  indulge  in  cards  like  their  New  York 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^ 

friends,  whom  I  had  just  left  in  the  fence  corner. 
I  found  them  all  sound  asleep  in  a  house,  except  the 
sentinel.  Their  horses  were  tied  to  the  trees  around 
it.  The  night  was  clear  and  crisp  and  cold.  As  we 
came  from  the  direction  of  their  camp,  we  were  mis 
taken  for  the  patrol  until  we  got  upon  them.  The 
challenge  of  the  sentinel  was  answered  by  an  order 
to  charge,  and  it  was  all  over  with  the  boys  from  the 
Green  Mountains.  Their  surprise  was  so  great  that 
they  forgot  that  they  had  only  pistols  and  carbines. 
If  they  had  used  them,  being  in  a  house,  they  might 
have  driven  us  off.  They  made  no  resistance.  The 
next  day  I  started  back  to  rejoin  Stuart,  who  was 
near  Fredericksburg.  I  found  him  in  his  tent,  and 
when  I  reported  what  I  had  done,  he  expressed  great 
delight.  So  he  agreed  to  let  me  go  back  with  fifteen 
men  and  try  my  luck  again.  I  went  and  never 
returned.  I  was  not  permitted  to  keep  the  men 
long.  Fitz  Lee  complained  of  his  men  being  with 
me,  and  so  I  had  to  send  them  back  to  him.  But 
while  I  had  them  I  kept  things  lively  and  humming. 
I  made  many  raids  on  the  cavalry  outposts,  capturing 
men,  arms,  and  horses.  Old  men  and  boys  had 
joined  my  band.  Some  had  run  the  gauntlet  of 
Yankee  pickets,  and  others  swam  the  Potomac  to  get 
to  me.  Most  men  love  the  excitement  of  fighting, 
but  abhor  the  drudgery  of  camps.  I  mounted,  armed 


32  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

and  equipped  my  command  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States  government.  There  was  a  Confeder 
ate  hospital  in  Middleburg,  where  a  good  many 
wounded  Confederate  soldiers  had  been  left  during 
our  Maryland  campaign  a  few  months  before.  These 
were  now  convalescent.  I  utilized  them.  They 
would  go  down  to  Fairfax  on  a  raid  with  me,  and 
then  return  to  the  hospital.  When  the  Federal 
cavalry  came  in  pursuit,  they  never  suspected  that 
the  cripples  they  saw  lying  on  their  couches  or  hob 
bling  about  on  crutches  were  the  men  who  created 
the  panic  at  night  in  their  camps.  At  last  I  got  one 
of  the  cripples  killed,  and  that  somewhat  abated  their 
ardor. 

There  are  many  comic  as  well  as  tragic  elements 
that  fill  up  the  drama  of  war.  One  night  I  went 
down  to  Fairfax  to  take  a  cavalry  picket.  When  I 
got  near  the  post  I  stopped  at  the  house  of  one  Ben 
Hatton.  I  had  heard  that  he  had  visited  the  picket 
post  that  day  to  give  some  information  to  them  about 
me.  I  gave  him  the  choice  of  Castle  Thunder  or 
guiding  me  through  the  pines  to  the  rear  of  the 
picket. 

Ben  did  not  hesitate  to  go  with  me.  Like  the 
Vicar  of  Bray,  he  was  in  favor  of  the  party  in  power. 
There  was  a  deep  snow  on  the  ground,  and  when  we 
got  in  sight  of  the  picket  fire,  I  halted  and  dis- 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES.  33 

mounted  my  men.  As  Ben  had  done  all  I  wanted  of 
him,  and  was  a  non-combatant,  I  did  not  want  to 
expose  him  to  the  risk  of  getting  shot,  and  so  I  left 
him  with  a  man  named  Gall  (generally  called  "  Coon- 
skin,"  from  the  cap  he  wore),  and  Jimmie,  an  Irish 
man,  to  guard  our  horses,  which  we  left  in  the  pines. 
With  the  other  men,  I  went  to  make  the  attack  on 
foot.  The  snow  being  soft,  we  made  no  noise,  and 
had  them  all  prisoners  almost  before  they  got  their 
eyes  open.  But  just  then  a  fusilade  was  opened  in 
the  rear,  where  our  horses  were.  Leaving  a  part  of 
my  men  to  bring  on  the  prisoners,  we  mounted  the 
captured  horses  and  dashed  back  to  the  place  where 
I  had  dismounted,  to  meet  what  I  supposed  was  an 
attempt  of  the  enemy  to  make  a  reprisal  on  me. 
When  I  got  there  I  found  Ben  Hatton  lying  in  a 
snowbank,  shot  through  the  thigh,  but  Jimmy  and 
Coonskin  had  vanished.  All  that  Ben  knew  was 
that  he  had  been  shot ;  he  said  that  the  Yankees  had 
attacked  their  party,  but  whether  they  had  carried  off 
Jimmie  and  Coonskin,  or  Jimmie  and  Coonskin  had 
carried  them,  he  couldn't  tell.  What  made  the  mys 
tery  greater  was  that  all  our  horses  were  standing 
just  as  we  left  them,  including  the  two  belonging  to 
the  missing  men.  With  our  prisoners  and  spoil,  we 
started  home,  Ben  Hatton  riding  behind  one  of  the 
men.  Ben  had  lost  a  good  deal  of  blood,  but  he  man- 


34 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


aged  to  hold  on.  When  we  got  into  the  road  we  met 
a  body  of  Wyndham's  cavalry  coming  up  to  cut  us 
off.  They  stopped  and  opened  fire  on  us.  I  knew 
this  was  a  good  sign,  and  that  they  were  not  coming 
to  close  quarters  in  the  dark.  We  went  on  by  them. 
By  daybreak  I  was  twenty  miles  away.  As  soon  as 
it  was  daylight,  Wyndham  set  out  full  speed  up  the 
pike  to  catch  me.  He  might  as  well  have  been 
chasing  the  silver-footed  antelope, 

That  gracefully  and  gayly  springs, 
As  o'er  the  marble  courts  of  kings. 

I  was  at  a  safe  distance  before  he  started.  He  got 
to  Middleburg  during  the  day,  wall  his  horses  all 
jaded  and  blown.  He  learned  there  that  I  had 
passed  through  about  the  dawn  of  day.  He  returned 
to  camp  with  the  most  of  his  command  leading  their 
broken-down  horses.  In  fact,  his  pursuit  had  done 
him  more  damage  than  my  attack.  He  was  an  Eng 
lish  officer,  trained  in  the  cavalry  schools  of  Europe ; 
but  he  did  not  understand  such  business.  This 
affair  was  rather  hard  on  Ben  Hatton.  He  was  the 
only  man  that  got  a  hurt ;  and  that  was  all  he  got. 
As  it  was  only  a  flesh  wound,  it  healed  quickly ;  but, 
even  if  he  had  died  from  it,  fame  would  have  denied 
her  requiem  to  his  name.  His  going  with  me  had 
been  as  purely  involuntary  as  if  he  had  been  carried 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^ 

out  with  a  halter  round  his  neck  to  be  hanged.  I 
left  him  at  his  house,  coiled  up  in  bed,  within  a  few 
hundred  yards  of  the  Yankee  pickets.  He  was  too 
close  to  the  enemy  for  me  to  give  him  any  surgical 
assistance ;  and  he  had  to  keep  his  wound  a  profound 
secret  in  the  neighborhood,  for  fear  the  Yankees 
would  hear  of  it  and  how  he  got  it.  If  they  had  ever 
found  it  out,  Ben's  wife  would  have  been  made  a 
widow.  In  a  day  or  so,  Coonskin  and  Jimmie  came 
in,  but  by  different  directions.  We  had  given  them 
up  for  lost.  They  trudged  on  foot  through  the  snow 
all  the  way  up  from  Fairfax.  Neither  one  knew  that 
Ben  Hatton  had  been  shot.  Each  one  supposed 
that  all  the  others  were  prisoners,  and  he  the  only 
one  left  to  tell  the  tale  of  the  disaster.  Both  firmly 
believed  that  they  had  been  attacked  by  the  enemy, 
and,  after  fighting  as  long  as  Sir  John  Falstaff  did 
by  Shrewsbury  clock,  had  been  forced  to  yield ;  but 
they  could  not  account  for  all  our  horses  being 
where  we  left  them.  The  mistakes  of  the  night  had 
been  more  ludicrous  than  any  of  the  incidents  of 
Goldsmith's  immortal  comedy,  "  She  Stoops  to  Con 
quer."  By  a  comparison  of  the  statements  of  the 
three,  I  found  out  that  the  true  facts  were  these :  In 
order  to  keep  themselves  warm,  they  had  walked 
around  the  horses  a  good  deal  and  got  separated 
Coonskin  saw  Jimmie  and  Ben  Hatton  moving  about 


36  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

in  the  shadow  of  a  tree,  and  took  them  to  be  Van- 
kees.  He  immediately  opened  on  them,  and  drew 
blood  at  the  first  fire.  Hatton  yelled  and  fell. 
Jimmie,  taking  it  for  granted  that  Coonskin  was  a 
Yankee,  returned  his  fire ;  and  so  they  were  dodging 
and  shooting  at  each  other  from  behind  trees,  until 
they  saw  us  come  dashing  up.  As  we  had  left  them 
on  foot  a  short  while  before,  it  never  occurred  to 
them  that  we  were  coming  back  on  the  captured 
horses.  After  fighting  each  other  by  mistake  and 
wounding  Ben  Hatton,  they  had  run  away  from  us. 
It  was  an  agreeable  surprise  to  them  to  find  that  I 
had  their  horses.  Ben  Hatton  will  die  in  the  belief 
that  the  Yankees  shot  him ;  for  I  never  told  him  any 
better.  I  regret  that  historical  truth  forbids  my 
concluding  this  comedy  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
drama  —  with  a  marriage. 


FAUQUIER  COUNTY,  VA.,  Feb.  28,  1863. 

GENERAL  :  —  I  have  the  honor  to  report,  that  at  four 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  instant  I  attacked  and 
routed,  on  the  Ox  road,  in  Fairfax,  about  two  miles  from 
Germantown,  a  cavalry  outpost,  consisting  of  a  lieutenant 
and  fifty  men.  The  enemy's  loss  was  one  lieutenant  and 
three  men  killed,  and  five  captured ;  number  of  wounded 
not  known ;  also  thirty-nine  horses,  with  all  their  accoutre 
ments,  brought  off.  There  were  also  three  horses  killed. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


37 


I  did  not  succeed  in  gaining  the  rear  of  the  post,  as  I 
expected,  having  been  discovered  by  a  vidette  when  several 
hundred  yards  off,  who  fired,  and  gave  the  alarm,  which 
compelled  me  to  charge  them  in  front.  In  the  terror  and 
confusion  occasioned  by  our  terrific  yells,  the  most  of  them 
saved  themselves  by  taking  refuge  in  a  dense  thicket,  where 
the  darkness  effectually  concealed  them.  There  was  also 
a  reserve  of  one  hundred  men  half  a  mile  off  who  might 
come  to  the  rescue.  Already  encumbered  with  prisoners 
and  horses,  we  were  in  no  condition  for  fighting.  I  sus 
tained  no  loss.  The  enemy  made  a  small  show  of  fight, 
but  quickly  yielded.  They  were  in  log  houses,  with  the 
chinking  knocked  out,  and  ought  to  have  held  them  against 
a  greatly  superior  force,  as  they  all  had  carbines. 

My  men  behaved  very  gallantly,  although  mostly  raw 
recruits.  I  had  only  twenty-seven  men  with  me.  I  am 
still  receiving  additions  to  my  numbers. 

If  you  would  let  me  have  some  of  the  dismounted  men 
of  the  First  Cavalry,  I  would  undertake  to  mount  them. 
I  desire  some  written  instructions  from  you  with  reference 
to  exportation  of  products  within  the  enemy's  lines.  I  wish 
the  bearer  of  this  to  bring  back  some  ammunition,  also 
some  large-size  envelopes  and  blank  paroles. 

I  have  failed  to  mention  the  fact  the  enemy  pursued 
me  as  far  as  Middleburg,  without  accomplishing  anything, 
etc.  .  .  . 

JNO.   S.   MOSBY. 

MAJ.-GEN.  J.  E.  B.  STUART. 


^S  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

FAIRFAX  COURT  HOUSE,  Jan.  27,  1863. 

SIR  :  — Last  night  my  pickets  were  driven  in  by  some  of 
Stuart's  cavalry,  wounding  one  and  capturing  nine.  I  then 
started  with  some  two  hundred  men  in  pursuit. 

Some  twenty-seven  miles  beyond  my  pickets  at  Middle- 
burg,  I  came  up  with  'them,  and  after  a  short  skirmish,  cap 
tured  twenty-four  of  them.  I  have  just  returned. 

P.  WYNDHAM. 
CAPT.  CARROLL  H.  PORTER, 

Assistant  Adjutant-  General* 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES.  39 


CHAPTER  IV. 

IT  was  the  latter  part  of  January,  1863,  when  I 
crossed  the  Rappahannock  into  Northern  Virginia, 
which  from  that  time  until  the  close  of  the  war  was 
the  theatre  on  which  I  conducted  partisan  operations. 
The  country  had  been  abandoned  to  the  occupation 
of  the  Federal  army  the  year  before,  when  Johnston 
retired  from  Centreville,  and  had  never  been  held  by 
us  afterward,  except  during  the  short  time  when  the 
Confederate  army  was  passing  through  in  Gen.  Lee's 
first  campaign  into  Maryland.  I  told  Stuart  that  I 
would,  by  incessant  attacks,  compel  the  enemy  either 
greatly  to  contract  his  lines  or  to  reinforce  them ; 
either  of  which  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the 
Southern  cause.  The  means  supplied  me  were  hardly 
adequate  to  the  end  I  proposed,  but  I  thought  that 
zeal  and  celerity  of  movement  would  go  far  to  com' 
pensate  for  the  deficiency  of  my  numbers.  There 
was  a  great  stake  to  be  won,  and  I  resolved  to  play 
a  bold  game  to  win  it.  I  think  that  Stuart  was  the 
only  man  in  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  except 
two  or  three  who  accompanied  me  and  knew  me  well, 


4Q  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

who  expected  that  I  would  accomplish  anything. 
Other  detachments  of  cavalry  had  been  sent  there  at 
different  times  that  had  done  little  or  nothing. 

Nearly  every  one  thought  that  I  was  starting  out 
on  a  quixotic  enterprise,  that  would  result  in  doing 
no  harm  to  the  enemy,  but  simply  in  getting  all  of 
my  own  men  killed  or  captured.  When  at  last  I 
secured  an  independent  command,  for  which  I  had 
so  longed,  I  was  as  happy  as  Columbus  when  he  set 
forth  from  the  port  of  Palos  with  the  three  little 
barks  Isabella  had  given  him  to  search  for  an  un 
known  continent.  My  faith  was  strong,  and  I  never 
for  a  moment  had  a  feeling  of  discouragement  or 
doubted  my  ability  to  reap  a  rich  harvest  from  what 
I  knew  was  still  an  ungleaned  field.  I  stopped  an 
hour  or  so  at  Warrenton,  which  has  always  been  a 
sort  of  political  shrine  from  which  the  Delphian 
Apollo  issues  his  oracles.  After  the  war  I  made  it 
my  home,  and  it  is  generally  supposed  that  I  resided 
there  before  the  war ;  the  fact  is  that  I  never  was  in 
that  section  of  Virginia  until  I  went  there  as  a  sol 
dier.  The  Union  soldiers  knew  just  as  much  about 
the  country  as  I  did. 

I  recall  vividly  to  mind  the  looks  of  surprise  and 
the  ominous  shaking  of  the  heads  of  the  augurs  when 
I  told  them  that  I  proposed  going  farther  North  to 
begin  the  war  again  along  the  Potomac.  Their  criti- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  41 

cism  on  my  command  was  pretty  much  the  same  as 
that  pronounced  on  the  English  mission  to  Cabul 
some  years  ago  —  that  it  was  too  small  for  an  army 
and  too  large  for  an  embassy. 

When  I  bade  my  friends  at  the  Warren-Green 
Hotel  "good-by,"  I  had  their  best  wishes  for  my 
success,  but  nothing  more.  They  all  thought  that  I 
was  going  on  the  foolhardy  enterprise  of  an  Arctic 
voyager  in  search  of  the  North  Pole.  My  idea  was 
to  make  the  Piedmont  region  of  the  country  lying 
between  the  Rappahannock  and  Potomac  Rivers  the 
base  of  my  operations.  This  embraces  the  upper 
portion  of  the  counties  of  Fauquier  and  Loudoun.  It 
is  a  rich,  pastoral  country,  which  afforded  subsistence 
for  my  command,  while  the  Blue  Ridge  was  a  safe 
point  to  which  to  retreat  if  hard  pressed  by  the  supe 
rior  numbers  that  could  be  sent  against  us.  It  was 
inhabited  by  a  highly  refined  and  cultivated  popula 
tion,  who  were  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  Southern 
cause.  Although  that  region  was  the  Flanders  of 
the  war,  and  harried  worse  than  any  of  which  history 
furnishes  an  example  since  the  desolation  of  the 
Palatinates  by  Louis  XIV.,1  yet  the  stubborn  faith 

1  [Telegram.} 

KERNSTOWN,  VA.,  Nov.  26,  1864. 

SHERIDAN  TO  HALLECK :  —  "I  will  soon  commence  work  on  Mosby. 
Heretofore  I  have  made  no  attempt  to  break  him  up,  as  I  would  have 
employed  ten  men  to  his  one,  and  for  the  reason  that  I  have  made 


42  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

of  the  people  never  wavered.  Amid  fire  and 
sword  they  remained  true  to  the  last,  and  sup 
ported  me  through  all  the  trials  of  the  war.  While 
the  country  afforded  an  abundance  of  subsistence, 
it  was  open  and  scant  of  forests,  with  no  natural 
defensive  advantages  for  repelling  hostile  incur 
sions.  There  was  no  such  shelter  there  as  Marion 
had  in  the  swamps  of  the  Pedee,  to  which  he  re 
treated.  It  was  always  my  policy  to  avoid  fighting 
at  home  as  much  as  possible,  for  the  plain  reason 
that  it  would  have  encouraged  an  overwhelming  force 
to  come  again,  and  that  the  services  of  my  own  com 
mand  would  have  been  neutralized  by  the  force  sent 
against  it.  Even  if  I  defeated  them,  they  would 

a  scapegoat  of  him  for  the  destruction  of  private  rights.  Now  there 
is  going  to  be  an  intense  hatred  of  him  in  that  portion  of  the  valley 
which  is  nearly  a  desert.  I  will  soon  commence  on  Loudoun  County, 
and  let  them  know  there  is  a  God  in  Israel.  Mosby  has  annoyed 
me  considerably;  but  the  people  are  beginning  to  see  that  he  does 
not  injure  me  a  great  deal,  but  causes  a  loss  to  them  of  all  that 
they  have  spent  their  lives  in  accumulating.  Those  people  who  live 
in  the  vicinity  of  Harper's  Ferry  are  the  most  villanous  in  this  val 
ley,  and  have  not  yet  been  hurt  much.  If  the  railroad  is  interfered 
with,  I  will  make  some  of  them  poor.  Those  who  live  at  home  in 
peace  and  plenty  want  the  duello  part  of  this  war  to  go  on;  but  when 
they  have  to  bear  the  burden  by  loss  of  property  and  comforts,  they 
will  cry  for  peace."  When  Sheridan  started  in  March,  1865,  from 
Winchester,  to  join  Grant  in  front  of  Petersburg,  he  left  my  com 
mand  behind  him,  more  flourishing  than  it  ever  had  been.  The  "  in 
tense  hatred"  he  had  hoped  to  excite  in  the  people  of  the  valley  for 
me,  by  burning  their  homes,  was  only  felt  for  him.  They  were  not 
willing  that  I  should  be  a  scapegoat  to  bear  another's  sins,  ,} 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


43 


return  with  treble  numbers.  On  the  contrary,  it  was 
safer  for  me,  and  greater  results  could  be  secured,  by 
being  the  aggressor  and  striking  the  enemy  at  un 
guarded  points.  I  could  thus  compel  him  to  guard  a 
hundred  points,  while  I  could  select  any  one  of  them 
for  attack.  If  I  could  do  so,  I  generally  slipped  over 
when  my  territory  was  invaded  and  imitated  Scipio 
by  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy's  camps. 

I  have  seen  it  stated  in  the  reports  of  some  Fed 
eral  officers  that  they  would  throw  down  the  gage  of 
battle  to  me  in  my  own  country  and  that  I  would  not 
accept  it.  I  was  not  in  the  habit  of  doing  what  they 
wanted  me  to  do.  Events  showed  that  my  judgment 
was  correct.  After  I  had  once  occupied  I  never 
abandoned  it,  although  the  wave  of  invasion  several 
times  rolled  over  it. 

News  of  the  surrender,  or,  rather,  the  evacuation, 
of  Richmond  came  to  me  one  morning  in  April, 
1865,  at  North  Fork,  in  Loudoun  County,  where  my 
command  had  assembled  to  go  on  a  raid.  Just  two 
or  three  days  before  that  I  had  defeated  Colonel 
Reno,  with  the  Twelfth  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  at 
Hamilton,  a  few  miles  from  there,  which  was  the 
last  fight  in  which  I  commanded.  Reno  afterward 
enjoyed  some  notoriety  in  connection  with  the  Cus- 
ter  massacre.  My  purpose  was  to  weaken  the  armies 
invading  Virginia,  by  harassing  their  rear.  As  a 


44 


MOSSY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


line  is  only  as  strong  as  its  weakest  point,  it  was 
necessary  for  it  to  be  stronger  than  I  was  at  every 
point,  in  order  to  resist  my  attacks.  It  is  easy, 
therefore,  to  see  the  great  results  that  may  be  ac 
complished  by  a  small  body  of  cavalry  moving  rap 
idly  from  point  to  point  on  the  communications  of 
an  army.  To  destroy  supply  trains,  to  break  up  the 
means  of  conveying  intelligence,  and  thus  isolating 
an  army  from  its  base,  as  well  as  its  different  corps 
from  each  other,  to  confuse  their  plans  by  capturing 
despatches,  are  the  objects  of  partisan  war.  It  is 
just  as  legitimate  to  fight  an  enemy  in  the  rear  as  in 
front.  The  only  difference  is  in  the  danger.  Now, 
to  prevent  all  these  things  from  being  done,  heavy 
detachments  must  be  made  to  guard  against  them. 
The  military  value  of  a  partisan's  work  is  not  meas 
ured  by  the  amount  of  property  destroyed,  or  the 
number  of  men  killed  or  captured,  but  by  the  num 
ber  he  keeps  watching.  Every  soldier  withdrawn 
from  the  front  to  guard  the  rear  of  an  army  is  so 
much  taken  from  its  fighting  strength. 

I  endeavored,  as  far  as  I  was  able,  to  diminish 
this  aggressive  power  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac, 
by  compelling  it  to  keep  a  large  force  on  the  defen 
sive.  I  assailed  its  rear,  for  there  was  its  most 
vulnerable  point.  My  men  had  no  camps.  If  they 
had  gone  into  camp,  they  would  soon  have  all  been 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


45 


captured.  They  would  scatter  for  safety,  and  gather 
at  my  call,  like  the  Children  of  the  Mist.  A  blow 
would  be  struck  at  a  weak  or  unguarded  point, 
and  then  a  quick  retreat.  The  alarm  would  spread 
through  the  sleeping  camp,  the  long  roll  would  be 
beaten  or  the  bugles  would  sound  to  horse,  there 
would  be  mounting  in  hot  haste  and  a  rapid  pur 
suit.  But  the  partisans  generally  got  off  with  their 
prey.  Their  pursuers  were  striking  at  an  invisible 
foe.  I  often  sent  small  squads  at  night  to  attack 
and  run  in  the  pickets  along  a  line  of  several  miles. 
Of  course,  these  alarms  were  very  annoying,  for  no 
human  being  knows  how  sweet  sleep  is  but  a  sol 
dier.  I  wanted  to  use  and  consume  the  Northern 
cavalry  in  hard  work.  I  have  often  thought  that 
their  fierce  hostility  to  me  was  more  on  account  of 
the  sleep  I  made  them  lose  than  the  number  we 
killed  and  captured.  It  has  always  been  a  wonder 
with  people  how  I  managed  to  collect  my  men  after 
dispersing  them.  The  true  secret  was  that  it  was 
a  fascinating  life,  and  its  attractions  far  more  than 
counterbalanced  its  hardships  and  dangers.  They 
had  no  camp  duty  to  do,  which,  however  necessary, 
is  disgusting  to  soldiers  of  high  spirit.  To  put  them 
to  such  routine  work  is  pretty  much  like  hitching 
a  race-horse  to  a  plow. 

Many  expeditions  were  undertaken  and  traps  laid 


46  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

to  capture  us,  but  all  failed,  and  my  command  con 
tinued  to  grow  and  flourish  until  the  final  scene  at 
Appomattox.  It  had  just  reached  its  highest  point 
of  efficiency  when  the  time  came  to  surrender.  We 
did  not  go  into  a  number  of  traps  set  to  catch  us, 
but  somehow  we  always  brought  the  traps  off  with 
us.  One  stratagem  was  after  the  model  of  the  Gre 
cian  horse,  and  would  have  done  credit  to  Ulys 
ses.  They  sent  a  train  of  wagons  up  the  Little 
River  turnpike  from  Fairfax,  apparently  without  any 
guard,  thinking  that  such  a  bait  would  surely  catch 
me.  But  in  each  wagon  were  concealed  six  of  the 
Bucktails,  who  would,  no  doubt,  have  stopped  my 
career,  if  I  had  given  them  a  chance.  Fortunately, 
I  never  saw  them,  for  on  that  very  day  I  had  gone 
by  another  route  down  to  Fairfax.  When  the  Buck- 
tails  returned,  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  knowing 
that  I  had  been  there  in  their  absence.  At  that 
time  Hooker's  army  was  in  winter  quarters  on  the 
Rappahannock,  with  a  line  of  communication  with 
Washington,  both  by  land  and  water.  The  troops 
belonging  to  the  defences  at  Washington  were  mostly 
cantoned  in  Fairfax,  with  their  advance  post  at  Cen- 
treville.  West  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  Milroy  occupied 
Winchester.  From  my  rendezvous  east  of  the  ridge 
I  could  move  on  the  radius  and  strike  any  point  on 
the  circumference  of  the  circle  which  was  not  too 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  47 

strongly  guarded.  But  if  I  compelled  them  to  be 
stronger  everywhere  than  I  was,  then  so  much  the 
better.  I  had  done  my  work.  Panics  had  often 
occurred  in  the  camp  when  we  were  not  near ;  the 
pickets  became  so  nervous,  expecting  attacks,  that 
they  fired  at  every  noise.  It  was  thought  that  the 
honor  as  well  as  the  safety  of  the  army  required 
that  these  depredations  should  no  longer  be  endured, 
and  that  something  must  be  done  to  stop  them.  Of 
course,  the  best  way  to  do  it  was  to  exterminate 
the  band,  as  William  of  Orange  did  the  Macdonald 
of  Glencoe.  A  cavalry  expedition,  under  a  Major 
Gilmer,  was  sent  up  to  Loudoun  to  do  the  work. 
He  had  conceived  the  idea  that  I  had  my  head 
quarters  in  Middleburg,  and  might  be  caught  by  sur 
rounding  the  place  in  the  night-time.  He  arrived 
before  daybreak,  and  threw  a  cordon  of  pickets 
around  it.  At  the  dawn  of  day  he  had  the  village 
as  completely  invested  as  Metz  was  by  the  Ger 
mans.  He  then  gradually  contracted  his  lines,  and 
proceeded  in  person  to  the  hotel  where  he  supposed 
I  was  in  bed.  I  was  not  there ;  I  never  had  been. 
Soldiers  were  sent  around  to  every  house  with  or 
ders  to  arrest  every  man  they  could  find.  When 
he  drew  in  his  net  there  was  not  a  single  soldier 
in  it  He  had,  however,  caught  a  number  of  old 
men.  It  was  a  frosty  morning,  and  he  amused  him- 


48  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

self  by  making  a  soldier  take  them  through  a  squad 
drill  to  keep  them  warm ;  occasionally  he  would 
make  them  mark  time  in  the  street  front  of  the 
hotel.  All  this  afforded  a  good  deal  of  fun  to  the 
major,  but  was  rather  rough  on  the  old  men.  He 
thought,  or  pretended  to  think,  that  they  were  the 
parties  who  had  attacked  his  pickets.  After  a  night 
march  of  twenty-five  miles,  he  did  not  like  to  return 
to  camp  without  some  trophies,  so  he  determined 
to  carry  the  graybeards  with  him.  He  mounted 
each  one  behind  a  trooper,  and  started  off.  Now, 
it  so  happened  that  I  had  notified  my  men  to 
meet  that  morning  at  Rector's  Cross  Roads,  which 
is  about  four  miles  above  Middleburg.  When  I  got 
there  I  heard  that  the  latter  place  was  occupied  by 
Federal  cavalry.  With  seventeen  men  I  started 
down  the  pike  to  look  after  them.  Of  course,  with 
my  small  force,  all  that  I  could  expect  to  do  was  to 
cut  off  some  straggling  parties  who  might  be  ma 
rauding  about  the  neighborhood.  When  I  got  near 
Middleburg  I  learned  that  they  had  gone.  We  en 
tered  the  town  at  a  gallop.  The  ladies  all  imme 
diately  crowded  around  us.  There  were,  of  course, 
no  men  among  them ;  Major  Gilmer  had  taken 
them  with  him.  There  was,  of  course,  great  indig 
nation  at  the  rough  usage  they  had  received,  and 
their  wives  never  expected  to  see  them  again.  And 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


49 


then,  to  add  to  the  pathos  of  the  scene,  were  the 
tears  and  lamentations  of  the  daughters.  There  were 
many  as  pure  and  as  bright  as  any  pearl  that  ever 
shone  in  Oman's  green  water.  Their  beauty  had 
won  the  hearts  of  many  of  my  men.  To  avenge 
the  wrongs  of  distressed  damsels  is  one  of  the  vows 
of  knighthood ;  so  we  spurred  on  to  overtake  the 
Federal  cavalry,  in  hopes  that  by  some  accident  of 
war  we  might  be  able  to  liberate  the  prisoners. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER   V. 

"  Still  o'er  these  scenes  my  memory  wakes. 

And  fondly  broods  with  miser  care ! 
Time  but  the  impression  stronger  makes, 
As  streams  their  channels  deeper  wear."  —  Burns. 

ABOUT  five  miles  below  Middleburg  is  the  vil 
lage  of  Aldie,  where  I  expected  that  the 
Federal  cavalry  would  halt.  But  when  I  got  within 
a  mile  of  it  I  met  a  citizen,  just  from  the  place,  who 
told  me  the  cavalry  had  passed  through.  With  five 
or  six  men  I  rode  forward  while  the  others  followed 
on  more  slowly.  Just  as  I  rose  to  the  top  of  the  hill 
on  the  outskirts  of  the  village,  I  suddenly  came  upon 
two  Federal  cavalrymen  ascending  from  the  opposite 
side.  Neither  party  had  been  aware  of  the  approach 
of  the  other,  and  our  meeting  was  so  unexpected 
that  our  horses'  heads  nearly  butted  together  before 
we  could  stop.  They  surrendered,  of  course,  and 
were  sent  to  the  rear.  They  said  that  they  had  been 
sent  out  as  videttes.  Looking  down  the  hill,  I  saw 
before  me  several  mounted  men  in  the  road,  whom  I 
took  to  be  a  part  of  the  rear-guard  of  Major  Gilmer's 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  51 

column.  We  dashed  after  them.  I  was  riding  a 
splendid  horse  — a  noble  bay  —  Job's  war-horse  was 
a  mustang  compared  to  him  —  who  had  now  got  his 
mettle  up  and  carried  me  at  headlong  speed  right 
among  them.  I  had  no  more  control  over  him  than 
Mazeppa  had  over  the  Ukraine  steed  to  which  he  was 
bound.  I  had  scarcely  started  in  the  charge,  before 
I  discovered  that  there  was  a  body  of  cavalry  dis 
mounted  at  a  mill  near  the  roadside,  which  I  had  not 
before  seen.  They  were  preparing  to  feed  their 
horses.  As  their  pickets  had  given  no  alarm,  they 
had  no  idea  that  an  enemy  was  near,  and  were  stunned 
and  dazed  by  the  apparition  of  a  body  of  men  who 
they  imagined  must  have  dropped  from  the  clouds 
upon  them.  The  fact  was  that  we  were  as  much 
surprised  as  they  were.  I  was  unable  to  stop  my 
horse  when  I  got  to  them,  but  he  kept  straight  on 
like  a  streak  of  lightning.  Fortunately,  the  dis 
mounted  troopers  were  so  much  startled  that  it  never 
occurred  to  them  to  take  a  shot  at  me  in  transitu. 
They  took  it  for  granted  that  an  overwhelming  force 
was  on  them,  and  every  man  was  for  saving  himself. 
Some  took  to  the  Bull  Run  mountain,  which  was 
near  by,  and  others  ran  into  the  mill  and  buried 
themselves  like  rats  in  the  wheat  bins.  The  mill 
was  grinding,  and  some  were  so  much  frightened 
that  they  jumped  into  the  hoppers  and  came  near 


52  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES, 

being  ground  up  into  flour.     When  we  pulled  them 
out  there  was  nothing  blue  about  them. 

As  I  have  stated,  my  horse  ran  with  rne  past 
the  mill.  My  men  stopped  there  and  went  to  work, 
but  I  kept  on.  And  now  another  danger  loomed 
up  in  front  of  me.  Just  ahead  was  the  bridge  over 
Little  River,  and  on  the  opposite  bank  I  saw  an 
other  body  of  cavalry  looking  on  in  a  state  of  be 
wildered  excitement.  They  saw  the  stampede  at 
the  mill  and  a  solitary  horseman,  pistol  in  hand, 
riding  full  speed  right  into  their  ranks.  They  never 
fired  a  shot.  Just  as  I  got  to  the  bridge  I  jumped 
off  my  horse  to  save  myself  from  capture;  but  just 
at  the  same  moment  they  wheeled  and  took  to  their 
heels  down  the  pike.  They  had  seen  the  rest  of 
my  men  coming  up.  If  I  had  known  that  they 
were  going  to  run  I  would  have  stayed  on  my  horse. 
They  went  clattering  down  the  pike,  with  my  horse 
thundering  after  them.  He  chased  them  all  the  way 
into  the  camp.  They  never  drew  rein  until  they 
got  inside  their  picket  lines.  I  returned  on  foot  to 
the  mill ;  not  a  half  a  dozen  shots  were  fired.  All 
that  couldn't  get  away  surrendered.  But  just  then 
a  Federal  officer  made  his  appearance  at  the  bridge. 
He  had  ridden  down  the  river,  and,  having  just 
returned,  had  heard  the  firing,  but  did  not  com 
prehend  the  situation.  Tom  Turner  of  Maryland, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  53 

one  of  the  bravest  of  my  men,  dashed  at  him.  As 
Turner  was  alone,  I  followed  him.  I  now  witnessed 
a  single-handed  fight  between  him  and  the  officer. 
For  want  of  numbers,  it  was  not  so  picturesque  as 
the  combat,  described  by  Livy,  between  the  Horatii 
and  the  Curatii,  nor  did  such  momentous  issues 
depend  upon  it.  But  the  gallantry  displayed  was 
equally  as  great.  Before  I  got  up  I  saw  the  horse 
of  the  Federal  officer  fall  dead  upon  him,  and  at 
the  same  time  Turner  seemed  about  to  fall  from  his 
horse.  The  Federal  officer,  who  was  Capt.  Worth- 
ington  of  the  Vermont  cavalry,  had  fired  while  lying 
under  his  horse  afr'Turner  a'nd-  inflicted  quite  a  se 
vere  wound.  The  first  thing  Turner  said  to  me 
was  that  his  adversary  had  first  surrendered,  which 
threw  him  off  his  guard,  and  then  fired  on  him. 
Worthington  denied  it,  and  said  his  shot  was  fired 
in  fair  fight.  I  called  some  of  the  men  to  get  him 
out  from  under  his  horse.  He  was  too  much  injured 
by  the  fall  to  be  taken  away,  so  I  paroled  and  left 
him  with  a  family  there  to  be  cared  for.  While 
all  this  was  going  on,  the  men  were  busy  at  the 
mill.  They  had  a  good  deal  of  fun  pulling  the  Ver 
mont  boys  out  of  the  wheat  bins.  The  first  one 
they  brought  out  was  so  caked  with  flour  that  I 
thought  they  had  the  miller.  We  got  the  com 
manding  officer,  Capt.  Huttoon,  and  ninteen  men 


54  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

and  twenty-three  horses,  with  their  arms  and  equip- 
ments.  I  lingered  behind  with  one  man,  and  sent 
the  captures  back  to  Middleburg.  Now,  all  the 
ladies  there  had  been  watching  and  listening  as 
anxiously  to  hear  from  us  as  Andromache  and  her 
maids  did  for  the  news  of  the  combat  between  Hec 
tor  and  Achilles.  Presently  they  saw  a  line  of  blue 
coats  coming  up  the  pike,  with  some  gray  ones 
mixed  among  them.  Then  the  last  ray  of  hope 
departed  —  they  thought  we  were  all  prisoners,  and 
that  the  foe  was  returning  to  insult  them.  One 
of  the  most  famous  of  my  men  —  Dick  Moran  — 
rode  forward  as  a  herald  of  victory.  He  had  the 
voice  of  a  fog  horn,  and  proclaimed  the  glad  tidings 
to  the  town.  While  I  was  still  sitting  on  my  horse 
at  the  mill,  three  more  of  the  Vermont  men,  think 
ing  that  all  of  us  had  gone,  came  out  from  their 
hiding  place.  I  sent  them  on  after  the  others.  Up 
to  this  time  I  had  been  under  the  impression  that 
it  was  Maj.  Gilmer's  rear-guard  that  I  had  over 
taken.  I  now  learned  that  this  was  a  body  of  Ver 
mont  cavalry  that  had  started  that  morning  several 
hours  after  Gilmer  had  left.  They  had  halted  to 
feed  their  horses  at  the  mill.  As  they  came  up 
they  had  seen  a  body  of  cavalry  turn  off  toward 
Centreville.  That  was  all  they  knew.  I  then  rode 
down  the  road  to  look  after  my  horse  that  I  had 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


55 


lost.     I  had  not  gone  far  before  I  met  the  old  men 
that  Maj.  Gilmer  had  taken  off. 

They  were  all  happy  at  the  ludicrous  streak  of  for 
tune  that  had  brought  them  deliverance.  It  seems 
that  Maj.  Gilmer  knew  nothing  of  the  intention 
of  Capt.  Huttoon  to  pay  Middleburg  a  visit  that 
day.  When  he  got  below  Aldie  he  saw  a  consid 
erable  body  of  cavalry  coming  from  the  direction  of 
Fairfax.  It  never  occurred  to  him  that  they  were 
his  own  people.  He  took  them  for  my  men,  and 
thought  I  was  trying  to  surround  him.  Even  if  he 
did  think  the  force  he  saw  was  my  command,  it  is 
hard  to  understand  why  he  should  run  away  from 
the  very  thing  that  he  was  in  search  of.  But  so 
he  did.  Just  at  the  point  where  he  was  when  he 
saw  the  Vermont  men  the  pike  crosses  the  old  Brad- 
dock  road.  It  is  the  same  on  which  the  British 
general  marched  with  young  George  Washington  to 
death  and  defeat  on  the  Monongahela.  Maj.  Gil 
mer  turned  and  started  down  the  Braddock  road  at 
about  the  speed  that  John  Gilpin  rode  to  Edmonton 
on  his  wedding  day.  The  ground  was  soft,  and  his 
horses  sank  knee  deep  in  the  mud  at  every  jump. 
Of  course,  those  broke  down  first  that  were  carry 
ing  two.  As  he  thought  he  was  hard  pressed,  he 
kept  on  fast  and  furious,  taking  no  heed  of  those  he 
left  on  the  roadside.  It  was  necessary  to  sacrifice 


$6  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

a  part  to  save  the  rest.  Long  before  he  got  to 
Centreville,  about  one-half  of  his  horses  were  stick 
ing  in  the  mud,  and  all  his  prisoners  had  been 
abandoned.  They  had  to  walk  home.  Maj.  Gilmer 
never  came  after  me  again.  I  heard  that  he  resigned 
his  commission  in  disgust,  and,  with  Othello,  "bade 
farewell  to  the  big  wars  that  make  ambition  virtue." 
There  was  rejoicing  in  Middleburg  that  evening ; 
all  ascribed  to  a  special  providence  the  advent  of 
the  Vermont  cavalry  just  in  time  to  stampede  the 
New  Yorkers,  and  make  them  drop  their  prisoners ; 
and  that  my  horse  had  run  away,  and  carried  me 
safely  through  the  Vermont  squadron.  The  miller, 
too,  was  happy,  because  I  had  appeared  just  in  time 
to  save  his  corn.  At  night,  with  song  and  dance, 
we  celebrated  the  events,  and  forgot  the  dangers  of 
the  day. 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  BRIGADE, 

Fairfax  Court-House,  Va.,  March  3,  1863. 

SIR  :  —  By  order  of  Col.  R,  B.  Price,  I  directed,  on  the 
night  of  the  ist  instant,  a  reconnoissance  to  go  in  direction 
of  Aldie. 

The  officer  who  commanded  this  reconnoissance  was 
Major  Joseph  Gilmer,  of  the  Eighteenth  Pennsylvania  Cav 
alry.  He  had  two  hundred  men.  The  orders  to  him  were 
to  proceed  carefully,  and  send  back  couriers  through  the 
night  with  information  whether  they  saw  any  enemy  or  not. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


57 


This  last  order  was  disobeyed.  They  were  not  to  cross  Cub 
Run  until  daylight,  and  then  try  and  gain  all  information 
possible  by  flankers  and  small  detached  scouting  parties. 

Major  Gilmer  went  to  Middleburg,  and,  while  returning, 
the  videttes  of  the  First  Vermont  Cavalry  noticed  a  part  of 
his  advance  and  prepared  to  skirmish.  The  advance  fell 
back  toward  Aldie,  Major  Gilmer,  instead  of  throwing  out 
a  party  to  reconnoitre,  turned  off  with  nearly  the  whole  of 
his  command  in  the  direction  of  Groveton,  to  gain  Centre- 
ville.  The  horses  returned  exhausted  from  being  run  at  full 
speed  for  miles.  A  few  of  Major  Gilmer's  men  left  his 
command  and  went  along  the  Little  River  turnpike  toward 
the  Vermont  detachment.  They  reported  that  the  men  seen 
were  a  part  of  a  scouting  party  under  Major  Gilmer,  and 
that  no  enemy  were  in  Aldie.  Capt.  Huttoon  then  entered 
the  town,  and  halted  to  have  the  horses  fed  near  a  mill. 
Immediately  beyond  was  a  rising  ground  which  hid  the 
guerillas.  While  the  horses  were  unbridled  and  feeding,  the 
surprise  occurred.  As  both  the  officers  have  been  captured, 
and  as  the  detachment  was  not  under  my  command,  and  is 
not  attached  to  this  brigade,  I  have  no  means  of  receiving 
any  official  or  exact  report  from  them,  nor  is  there  any  one 
belonging  to  that  detachment  here.  All  men  belonging  to 
this  detachment  seem  to  have  fought  well ;  the  enemy  did 
not  pursue  them ;  they  fell  back  in  good  order. 

Major  Gilmer,  when  he  returned,  was  unable  to  make  3 
report  to  Lieut.-Col.  [John  S.]  Krepps,  who  during  the  time 
I  was  confined  from  sickness,  had  charge  of  the  camp.  I 
ordered  Major  Gilmer  under  arrest  early  this  morning,  and 
have  sent  to  Col.  R.  B.  Price  charges,  of  which  the  annexed 
is  a  copy.  Major  Gilmer  lost  but  one  man,  belonging  to  the 


58  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Fifth  New  York  Cavalry,  who  was  mortally  wounded  by  the 
enemy  and  afterwards  robbed.  He  was  away  from  the  com 
mand  and  on  this  side  of  Aldie,  his  horse  having  given  out. 
The  enemy  seemed  to  have  been  concealed  along  the  line 
of  march  and  murdered  this  man,  when  returning,  without 
provocation. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant, 

ROBT.  JOHNSTONE, 
Lieut.-  Col.  Commanding  Cavalry  Brigade. 

CAPT.  C.  H.  POTTER, 
Assistant  Adjutant-  Genera!. 


GENERAL  ORDERS,")  WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE. 
No.  229.          J  Washington,  July  23,  1863. 


I.  Before  a  General  Court  Martial,  which  convened  in 
the  city  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  March  27,  1863,  pursuant  to 
General  Orders,  No.  20,  dated  Headquarters  Cavalry,  De 
fences  of  Washington,  near  Fort  Scott,  Virginia,  February 
2,  1863,  and  Special  Orders,  No.  146,  dated  February  10, 
1863;  No.  150,  dated  February  16,  1863;  No.  161,  dated 
March  6,  1863;  and  No.  164,  dated  March  21,  1863, 
Headquarters  Cavalry,  Department  of  Washington,  and  of 
which  Colonel  E.  B.  SAWYER,  ist  Vermont  Cavalry,  is  Presi 
dent,  was  arraigned  and  tried  — 


MOSBY*S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  59 

Major  Joseph  Gilmer,  i8th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry. 
CHARGE  I.  —  "  Drunkenness." 

Specification —  "  In  this ;  that  Joseph  Gilmer,  a  Major  of  the 
1 8th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  he  then  being  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States,  and  while  in  command  of 
a  reconnoitring  party,  on  the  second  day  of  March, 
1863,  was  so  intoxicated  from  the  effects  of  spirituous 
liquors  as  to  be  incapacitated  to  perform  his  duties 
in  an  officer-like  manner.  This  at  or  near  the  village 
of  Aldie,  in  the  State  of  Virginia." 

CHARGE  II.  —  "  Cowardice." 

Specification  —  "  In  this ;  that  Joseph  Gilmer,  a  Major  in  the 
1 8th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  he  then  being  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States,  upon  the  second  day  of 
March,  1863,  did  permit  and  encourage  a  detach 
ment  of  cavalry,  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
and  under  his  command,  to  fly  from  a  small  body  of 
the  ist  Vermont  Cavalry,  who  were  mistaken  for  the 
enemy,  without  sending  out  any  person  or  persons  to 
ascertain  who  they  were,  or  what  were  their  numbers ; 
and  that  the  said  cavalry  under  his  command,  as 
above  stated,  were  much  demoralized,  and  fled  many 
miles  through  the  country  in  great  confusion  and 
disorder.  This  near  Aldie,  in  the  State  of  Virginia." 

To  which  charges  and  specifications  the  accused,  Major 
Joseph  Gilmer ;  i8th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  pleaded  "Not 
Guilty." 


60  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

FINDING. 

The  Court,  having  maturely  considered  the  evidence 
adduced,  finds  the  accused,  Major  Joseph  Gilmer,  i8th 
Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  as  follows  :  — 

CHARGE  I. 

Of  the  Specification,  "  Guilty." 
Of  the  CHARGE,         "  Guilty." 

CHARGE  II. 

Of  the  Specification,  "  Guilty." 
sOf  the  CHARGE,        "  Not  Guilty." 

SENTENCE. 

And  the  Court  does  therefore  sentence  him,  Major 
Joseph  Gilmer,  i8th  Pennsylvania  Cavalry,  "  To  be  cash 
iered:' 

II.  The  proceedings  of  the  Court  in  the  above  case  were 
disapproved  by  the  Major-General  commanding  the  De 
partment  of  Washington,  on  account  of  fatal  defects  and 
irregularities  in  the  record.  But  the  testimony  shows  that 
the  accused  was  drunk  on  duty,  and  brought  disgrace  upon 
himself  and  the  service.  The  President  directs  that,  as 
recommended  by  the  Department  Commander,  he  be  dis 
missed  the  service;  and  Major  Joseph  Gilmer,  i8th  Penn 
sylvania  Cavalry,  accordingly  ceases  to  be  an  officer  in  the 
United  States  Service  since  the  2Oth  day  of  July,  1863. 

BY  ORDER  OF  THE   SECRETARY   OF  WAR: 

E.   D.   TOWNSEND, 
Assistant  Adjutant-  General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  fo 

FAIRFAX  COURT  HOUSE,  March  2,  1863. 

SIR:  —  Fifty  men  of  the  First  Vermont  Cavalry,  from 
Companies  H  and  M,  under  captains  Huttoon  and  Wood 
ward,  were  surprised  in  Aldie  while  feeding  their  horses 
by  about  70  of  the  enemy.  Both  captains  captured  and 
about  15  men.  They  saw  no  enemy  but  the  attacking 
party.  Major  Gilmer  has  returned  with  the  scouting 
party  that  left  last  night.  They  were  to  Middleburg 
and  saw  but  one  rebel.  I  have  anticipated  the  report  of 
Lieutenant- Colonel  Krepps,  now  in  command,  which  will 
be  forwarded  in  probably  one  hour. 

ROBT.  JOHNSTONE, 
Lieutenant-  Colonel,  commanding  Cavalry  Brigade. 

CAPT.  C.  H.  POTTER, 
Assistant  Adjutant- General. 


62  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

T  T  7ITHIN  a  few  weeks  after  I  began  operations 
in  Northern  Virginia,  I  received  accessions  to 
my  command  from  various  sources.  I  have  before 
spoken  of  the  convalescents  in  the  hospital  at 
Middleburg,  out  of  whom  I  got  some  valuable  ser 
vice.  The  Confederate  government  did  not  furnish 
horses  to  the  cavalry,  but  paid  each  man  forty  cents 
a  day  compensation  for  the  use  of  his  horse.  When 
the  trooper  lost  his  horse,  or  it  became  disabled,  he 
was  given  a  furlough  to  go  to  get  another.  A  great 
many  of  this  class  of  men  came  to  me,  to  whom  I 
would  furnish  captured  horses  in  consideration  of 
their  going  with  me  on  a  few  raids.  I  made  a  propo 
sition  to  mount  all  the  dismounted  men  of  Fitz  Lee's 
brigade  in  consideration  of  their  serving  with  me  a 
short  time.  It  was  declined,  and  they  were  sent 
over  to  Fauquier  under  command  of  an  ambitious 
officer,  who  thought,  like  Sam  Patch  when  he  leaped 
over  Genesee  falls,  that  some  things  could  be  done  as 
well  as  others.  Reports  of  my  forays,  which  had 
been  almost  uniformly  successful,  had  spread  through 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  6$ 

the  army,  and  it  seemed,  after  the  thing  had  been 
done,  to  be  a  very  easy  thing  to  surprise  and  capture 
cavalry  outposts.  The  result  of  this  attempt  at 
imitation  was  that  all  the  dismounted  men  were 
returned  as  prisoners  of  war  via  Fort  Monroe,  the 
mounted  officer  who  commanded  them  alone  escap 
ing  capture. 

About  this  time  I  received  a  valuable  recruit  in 
the  person  of  Sergt.  Ames  of  the  5th  New  York 
cavalry,  who  deserted  his  regiment  to  join  me.  I 
never  really  understood  what  his  motives  were  in 
doing  so.  I  never  cared  to  inquire.  The  men  of 
my  command  insisted  that  I  should  treat  him  simply 
as  a  prisoner,  and  send  him  back  to  join  many  of  his 
comrades  whom  I  had  sent  to  Richmond.  After  a 
long  conversation  with  him  I  felt  an  instinctive  confi 
dence  in  his  sincerity.  He  came  to  me  on  foot,  but 
proposed  to  return  to  camp  and  mount  himself  if  I 
would  receive  him.  It  happened  that  a  young  man 
named  Walter  Frankland  was  present,  who  also  came 
on  foot  to  join  my  standard.  With  my  consent  they 
agreed  to  walk  down  to  Fairfax  that  night,  enter  the 
cavalry  camp  on  foot  and  ride  out  on  two  of  the  best 
horses  they  could  find.  At  the  same  time,  I  started 
off  on  an  expedition  in  another  direction.  I  had  not 
gone  far  before  I  struck  the  trail  of  a  raiding  party 
of  cavalry  that  had  been  off  into  Loudoun  committing 


64  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

depredations  on  the  citizens.  I  met  old  Dr.  Drake 
walking  home  through  snow  and  mud  knee  deep. 
He  told  me  that  the  Federal  cavalry  had  met  him  in 
the  road,  while  he  was  going  around  to  attend  to  the 
sick,  and  had  not  only  taken  his  horse  but  also  his 
saddle-bags,  with  all  his  medicines.  As  the  Confed 
eracy  was  then  in  a  state  of  blockade,  medicine  was 
more  valuable  than  gold,  and  great  suffering  would 
be  inflicted  on  a  community  by  the  loss  even  of  Dr. 
Drake's  small  stock.  He  told  us  that  the  marauders 
were  not  far  ahead,  and  we  spurred  on  to  overtake 
them.  Fortunately,  as  they  were  not  far  from  their 
camps,  they  deemed  themselves  safe,  and  scattered 
over  the  country  a  good  deal. 

Before  going  very  far  we  overtook  a  party  that  had 
stopped  to  plunder  a  house.  As  they  were  more 
intent  on  saving  their  plunder  than  fighting,  they 
scampered  off,  but  we  were  close  on  their  heels. 
We  had  intercepted  them  and  were  between  them 
and  their  camp,  so  they  had  to  run  in  an  opposite 
direction.  But  very  soon  they  came  to  a  narrow 
stream,  the  Horsepen  Run,  which  was  booming  with 
the  melted  snow.  The  man  on  the  fleetest  horse, 
who  was  some  distance  in  advance  of  the  others, 
plunged  in  and  narrowly  escaped  being  drowned. 
He  was  glad  to  get  back  even  as  a  prisoner.  The 
others  did  not  care  to  follow  his  example,  but  quietly 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ($$ 

submitted  to  manifest  destiny.  We  got  them  all. 
They  were  loaded  down  mostly  with  silver  spoons, 
of  which  they  had  despoiled  the  houses  they  had 
visited.  But  the  richest  prize  of  all  we  got  was 
old  Dr.  Drake's  saddle-bags.  I  was  strongly  tempted 
to  administer  to  each  one  of  the  prisoners  a  purge 
by  way  of  making  them  expiate  their  offence.  Now, 
when  Dr.  Drake  parted  with  his  saddle-bags,  he 
never  expected  to  see  them  again,  and  supposed 
that  as  long  as  the  war  lasted  his  occupation  would 
be  gone,  as  a  doctor  without  medicine  and  imple 
ments  of  surgery  is  like  a  soldier  without  arms. 
His  surprise  and  delight  may  oe  imagined  when 
a  few  hours  afterward  his  saddle-bags  and  the  cap 
tured  silver  were  brought  to  him  to  be  restored  to 
the  owners. 

We  then  proceeded  on  toward  Fryingpan,  where 
I  had  heard  that  a  cavalry  picket  was  stationed  and 
waiting  for  me  to  come  after  them.  I  did  not  want 
them  to  be  disappointed  in  their  desire  to  visit 
Richmond.  When  I  got  within  a  mile  of  it  and 
had  stopped  for  a  few  minutes  to  make  my  dispo 
sition  for  attack,  I  observed  two  ladies  walking 
rapidly  toward  me.  One  was  Miss  Laura  Ratcliffe, 
a  young  lady  to  whom  Stuart  had  introduced  me  a 
few  weeks  before,  when  returning  from  his  raid  on 
Dumfries — with  her  sister.  Their  home  was  near 


66  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Fryingpan,  and  they  had  got  information  of  a  plan 
to  capture  me,  and  were  just  going  to  the  house 
of  a  citizen  to  get  him  to  put  me  on  my  guard, 
when  fortune  brought  them  across  my  path.  But 
for  meeting  them,  my  life  as  a  partisan  would  have 
closed  that  day.  There  was  a  cavalry  post  in  sight 
at  Fryingpan,  but  near  there,  in  the  pines,  a  large 
body  of  cavalry  had  been  concealed.  It  was  ex 
pected  that  I  would  attack  the  picket,  but  that  my 
momentary  triumph  would  be  like  the  fabled  Dead 
Sea's  fruit  —  ashes  to  the  taste  —  as  the  party  in 
the  pines  would  pounce  from  their  hiding-place  upon 
me. 

A  garrulous  lieutenant  had  disclosed  the  plot  to 
the  young  lady,  never  dreaming  that  she  would  walk 
through  the  snow  to  get  the  news  to  me.  This  was 
not  the  only  time  during  the  war  when  I  owed  my 
escape  from  danger  to  the  tact  of  a  Southern  woman. 
I  concluded  then  to  go  in  the  direction  of  Dranesville 
in  search  of  game.  When  we  reached  Herndon  Station, 
I  learned  that  the  contents  of  a  sutler's  wagon,  that 
had  broken  down  when  passing  there  that  day,  were 
concealed  in  a  barn  near  by.  The  sutler  had  gone 
into  camp  to  get  another  team  to  haul  his  goods  in. 
In  the  exercise  of  our  belligerent  rights,  we  proceeded 
to  relieve  him  of  any  further  trouble  in  taking  care 
of  them.  He  had  a  splendid  stock  of  cavalry  boots, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  fy 

with  which  he  seemed  to  have  been  provided  in  antici 
pat  ion  of  the  wants  of  my  men.  Now,  loaded  dowi 
with  what  was  to  us  a  richer  prize  than  the  Goldei* 
Fleece,  we  started  back,  but  could  not  forbear  taking 
along  a  cavalry  picket  near  by  which  was  not  looking 
for  us,  as  it  had  been  understood  that  we  were  to 
attack  Fryingpan  that  night,  where  preparations  had 
been  made  to  receive  us.  Once  more  I  had  tempted 
fortune,  and  from  "  the  nettle  danger  had  plucked  the 
flower  safety." 

On  my  return  to  Middleburg  I  found  Ames  and 
Frankland  there  in  advance  of  me.  They  had  entered 
the  camp  of  the  Fifth  New  York  cavalry  at  night  on 
foot,  and  had  ridden  out  on  two  of  the  finest  horses 
they  could  find  in  the  stables.  They  had  passed  in 
and  out  without  ever  having  been  molested  or  chal 
lenged  by  the  guard.  Ames  had  not  had  time  to 
exchange  his  suit  of  blue  for  a  gray  one,  but  Frank- 
land  was  in  full  Confederate  uniform.  It  was  a  per 
fectly  legitimate  enterprise,  certainly,  as  open  and 
bold  as  the  capture  in  the  night-time  of  the  Palladium 
of  Troy  by  Ulysses  and  Diomede.  But  still  the  men 
were  not  satisfied  of  Ames's  good  faith.  They  said 
that  he  had  not  betrayed  Frankland  because  he 
wanted  to  entrap  us  all  at  one  time.  A  few  days 
after  that,  I  once  more  put  him  to  a  test  which  con 
vinced  the  men  of  his  truth  and  fidelity.  He  seemed 


68  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

to  burn  with  an  implacable  feeling  of  revenge  toward 
his  old  companions  in  arms.  I  never  had  a  truer  or 
more  devoted  follower.  He  was  killed  in  a  skirmish 
in  October,  1864,  and  carried  the  secret  of  his  deser 
tion  to  the  grave.  I  had  made  him  a  lieutenant,  and 
he  had  won  by  his  courage  and  general  deportment 
the  respect  and  affection  of  my  men.  They  all  sin 
cerely  mourned  his  death. 

Since  the  war  I  have  often  passed  his  lonely  grave 
in  a  clump  of  trees  on  the  very  spot  where  he  fell. 
The  soldier  who  killed  him  was  in  the  act  of  taking 
his  arms  off  when  one  of  my  men  rode  up  and  shot 
him.  Ames  is  a  prominent  figure  in  the  history  of 
my  command.  It  was  my  habit  either  to  go  myself, 
with  one  or  two  men,  or  to  send  scouts,  to  find  out 
some  weak  and  exposed  place  in  the  enemy's  lines. 
I  rarely  rested  for  more  than  one  day  at  a  time.  As 
soon  as  I  knew  of  a  point  offering  a  chance  for  a  suc 
cessful  attack,  I  gathered  my  men  together  and 
struck  a  blow.  From  the  rapidity  with  which  these 
attacks  were  delivered  and  repeated,  and  the  distant 
points  at  which  they  were  made,  a  most  exaggerated 
estimate  of  the  number  of  my  force  was  made.  I 
have  before  spoken  of  John  Underwood,  to  whose 
courage  and  skill  as  a  guide  I  was  so  much  indebted 
for  my  earlier  successes.  He  was  equally  at  home 
threading  a  thick  labyrinth  of  pines  in  Fairfax  or 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  fig 

leading  a  charge.  He  was  among  the  first  every 
where,  and  I  always  rewarded  his  zeal.  About  this 
time  I  had  sent  him  down  on  a  scout,  from  which  he 
returned  informing  me  that  a  picket  of  thirty  or  forty 
cavalry  had  been  placed  at  Herndon  Station  on  the 
Loudoun  &  Hampshire  Railroad.  This  was  the  very 
place  where  I  had  got  the  sutler's  wagon  the  week 
before.  I  could  hardly  believe  it  —  I  thought  it  must 
be  another  trap  —  for  I  could  not  imagine  why  such 
a  number  of  men  should  be  put  there,  except  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  caught.  I  had  supposed  that  the 
enemy  had  been  taught  something  by  experience. 
I  collected  my  men  and  started  down,  though  I  did 
not  expect  to  find  any  one  at  Herndon  when  I  got 
there. 

Fearing  an  ambuscade,  and  also  hearing  that  the 
reserve  at  the  post  stayed  in  a  house,  I  thought  I 
would  try  my  luck  in  the  daytime.  Besides,  as  most 
of  my  attacks  had  been  made  at  night,  I  knew  they 
would  not  expect  me  in  the  day.  Underwood  con 
ducted  me  by  all  sorts  of  crooked  paths  through  the 
dense  forests  until  we  got  in  their  rear.  We  then 
advanced  at  a  walk  along  the  road  leading  to  their 
camp  at  Dranesville,  until  we  came  upon  a  vidette, 
who  saw  us,  but  did  not  have  time  either  to  fire  or  to 
run  away.  He  was  ours  before  he  recovered  his 
senses,  he  was  so  much  surprised.  About  200  yards 


yO  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

in  front  of  us,  I  could  see  the  boys  in  blue  lounging 
around  an  old  sawmill,  with  their  horses  tied  by 
their  halters  to  the  fence.  It  was  past  twelve  o'clock, 
and  the  sun  was  shining  brightly,  but  there  was  a 
deep  snow  on  the  ground.  They  were  as  uncon 
scious  of  the  presence  of  danger  as  if  they  had  been 
at  their  own  peaceful  homes  among  the  Green  Moun 
tains.  It  happened  to  be  just  the  hour  for  the  relief 
to  come  from  their  camp  at  Dranesville.  They  saw 
us  approaching,  but  mistook  us  for  friends.  When 
we  got  within  100  yards,  I  ordered  a  charge.  They 
had  no  time  to  mount  their  horses,  and  fled,  panic- 
stricken,  into  the  sawmill  and  took  refuge  on  the 
upper  floor.  I  knew  that  if  I  gave  them  time  to 
recover  from  the  shock  of  their  surprise  they  could 
hold  the  mill  with  their  carbines  against  my  force 
until  reinforcements  reached  them. 

The  promptness  with  which  the  opportunity  was 
seized  is  the  reason  that  they  were  lost  and  we 
were  saved.  They  were  superior  in  numbers,  with 
the  advantage  of  being  under  cover.  The  last  ones 
had  hardly  got  inside  the  mill  before  we  were  upon 
them.  I  dismounted  and  rushed  into  the  mill  after 
them,  followed  by  John  De  Butts.  The  enemy  were 
all  above  me.  As  I  started  up  the  steps  I  ordered 
the  men  to  set  fire  to  the  mill.  I  knew  that  this 
order  would  be  heard  overhead  and  increase  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ji 

panic.  The  mill  was  full  of  dry  timber  and  shavings 
that  would  have  burned  them  to  cinders  in  ten  min 
utes.  As  I  reached  the  head  of  the  stairway  I 
ordered  a  surrender.  They  all  did  so.  They  had 
the  alternative  of  doing  this  or  being  roasted  alive. 
In  a  minute  more  the  mill  would  have  been  in 
flames.  Against  such  an  enemy  they  had  no  weapon 
of  defence,  and,  in  preference  to  cremation,  chose  to 
be  prisoners.  On  going  out  and  remounting,  I 
observed  four  finely  caparisoned  horses  standing  in 
front  of  the  house  of  Nat  Hanna,  a  Union  man.  I 
knew  that  the  horses  must  have  riders,  and  that  from 
their  equipments  they  must  be  officers.  I  ordered 
some  of  the  men  to  go  into  the  house  and  bring 
them  out.  They  found  a  table  spread  with  milk, 
honey,  and  all  sorts  of  nice  delicacies  for  a  lunch. 
But  no  soldiers  could  be  seen,  and  Mrs.  Hanna  was 
too  good  a  Union  woman  to  betray  them.  Some  of 
the  men  went  upstairs,  but  by  the  dim  light  could 
see  nothing  on  the  floor.  Ames  opened  the  door  to 
the  garret ;  he  peeped  in  and  called,  but  it  was  pitch 
dark,  and  no  one  answered.  He  thought  it  would  do 
no  harm  to  fire  a  shot  into  the  darkness.  It  had  a 
magical  effect.  There  was  a  stir  and  a  crash, 
and  instantly  a  human  being  was  seen  descending 
through  the  ceiling.  He  fell  on  the  floor  right 
among  the  men.  The  flash  of  the  pistol  in  his  face 


72  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

had  caused  him  to  change  his  position,  and  in  doing 
so  he  had  stepped  on  the  lathing  and  fallen  through. 
His  descent  had  been  easy  and  without  injury  to  his 
person.  He  was  thickly  covered  with  lime  dust  and 
mortar.  After  he  was  brushed  off,  we  discovered 
that  we  had  a  major.  His  three  companions  in  the 
dark  hole  were  a  captain  and  two  lieutenants,  who 
came  out  through  the  trap-door,  and  rather  enjoyed 
the  laugh  we  had  on  the  major.  As  we  left  the 
house  the  lunch  disappeared  with  us.  It  was  put 
there  to  be  eaten.  The  major  was  rather  dilatory 
in  mounting.  He  knew  that  the  relief  was  due 
there,  and  was  in  hope  not  only  of  a  rescue,  but  of 
turning  the  tables  and  taking  us  with  him  to  his 
camp.  But  fate  had  decreed  otherwise.  He  was 
admonished  of  the  importance  of  time  to  us,  and  that 
he  must  go  right  on  to  Richmond,  where  he  had 
started  to  go  the  year  before. 

As  soon  as  possible,  John  Underwood,  with  a 
guard,  went  on  in  advance  with  the  prisoners.  Just 
as  we  left  the  railroad  station  the  relief  appeared  in 
sight.  I  remained  behind  with  a  dozen  men  as  a 
rear-guard,  to  keep  them  back  until  Underwood  had 
got  far  ahead.  The  relief  party  hung  on  in  sight 
of  me  for  some  distance,  but  never  attacked.  After 
I  crossed  the  Horsepen,  which  almost  swam  our 
horses,  I  started  off  at  a  gallop,  thinking  the  pur- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  73 

suit  was  over.  This  emboldened  the  pursuers,  and 
a  few  came  on  and  crossed  after  me.  I  saw  that 
they  were  divided,  and  I  halted,  wheeled,  and  started 
back  at  them.  They  did  not  wait  for  me,  but  got 
over  the  stream  as  fast  as  they  could.  One  fellow 
got  a  good  ducking.  I  was  now  master  of  the  situ 
ation.  I  drew  up  on  a  hill  and  invited  them  to 
come  across,  but  they  declined.  I  was  not  molested 
any  more  that  day.  A  rather  ludicrous  thing  oc 
curred  when  we  made  the  attack  at  the  station. 
There  was  a  so-called  Union  man  there,  named 
Mayo  Janney.  As  he  lived  just  on  the  outskirts 
of  the  picket  line,  he  was  permitted  to  conduct  a 
small  store,  and  trade  with  Washington.  He  had 
been  down  to  the  city,  and,  with  other  things,  had 
brought  out  a  hogshead  of  molasses,  which  he  in 
tended  to  retail  to  his  neighbors  at  speculative 
prices.  The  element  of  danger  in  such  a  trade  was, 
of  course,  largely  considered  in  estimating  the  mar 
ket  value  of  the  merchandise.  Janney  had  his  store 
in  the  vacant  railroad  depot.  He  had  just  knocked 
out  the  bung  of  the  barrel  of  molasses,  and  was  in 
the  act  of  drawing  some  to  fill  the  jug  of  a  custo* 
mer,  when  he  heard  the  clatter  and  yell  of  my  men, 
as  they  rushed  down  on  the  terrified  pickets.  As 
Herndon  Station  and  the  region  round  about  was 
supposed  to  be  in  the  exclusive  occupation  of  the 


74  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

army  of  the  United  States,  he  could  not  have  been 
more  surprised  at  an  earthquake,  or  if  a  comet  had 
struck  the  earth.  Forgetting  all  about  the  molasses, 
which  he  had  left  pouring  out  of  the  barrel,  he 
rushed  wildly  to  the  door  to  see  what  was  the  mat 
ter.  He  saw  the  Vermont  cavalry  flying  in  every 
direction  in  confusion,  and  whizzing  bullets  passing 
unpleasantly  close  to  his  ears.  Now,  to  be  a  mar 
tyr  in  any  cause  was  just  the  last  thing  which  a 
man  in  Fairfax,  who  had  taken  an  oath  to  support 
the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  had  any  idea 
of  being.  Janney's  idea  of  supporting  the  Union 
was  to  make  some  money  out  of  it,  and  a  living  for 
his  family.  But  he  did  not  consider  that  his  oath 
required  him  to  stay  there  to  be  shot,  or  to  help 
to  bury  or  bind  up  the  wounds  of  those  who  might 
be.  His  idea  of  honor  was  as  selfish  and  material 
as  Sir  John  Falstaff's.  He  preferred  remaining  a 
live  man  without  it,  to  being  a  dead  one  who  died 
with  it  yesterday.  So  Janney  ran  away  as  fast  as 
his  legs  could  carry  him,  and,  if  possible,  his  mo 
lasses  ran  faster  than  he  did.  He  did  not  return 
for  several  hours  to  view  the  field.  When  he  at 
last  mustered  up  courage  to  go  back,  he  found  the 
molasses  about  shoe-deep  all  over  the  floor,  but  not 
a  drop  in  the  barrel.  Now,  Janney's  loyalty  to  the 
Union  was  not  altogether  above  suspicion.  It  was 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES.  75 

suspected  that  he  had  taken  the  oath  for  profit,  and 
probably  to  enable  him  to  act  as  a  spy  for  me.  The 
loss  of  his  molasses  proved  his  innocence ;  but  for 
that  fact  he  would  have  been  arrested  and  sent  to 
board  at  the  Old  Capitol  on  the  charge  of  having 
given  me  the  information  on  which  I  had  acted. 

When  I  overtook  my  command  at  Middleburg,  I 
found  Dick  Moran,  after  the  style  of  the  ancient 
bards,  in  the  street,  rehearsing  the  incidents  of  the 
day  to  an  admiring  crowd.  I  paroled  the  privates 
and  let  them  go  home,  as  I  could  not  then  spare  a 
guard  to  take  them  back  to  the  Confederate  lines, 
which  were  at  Culpepper.  I  put  the  four  officers 
on  their  parole  to  report  at  Culpepper  to  Fitz  Lee, 
and  sent  with  them,  simply  as  an  escort,  a  Hun 
garian  whom  we  called  Jake.  On  the  way  out  they 
spent  one  night  at  a  farmer's  house.  Now,  Jake 
had  been  a  soldier  under  Kossuth,  and  having  had 
some  experience  in  Austrian  perfidy,  had  no  sort  of 
confidence  in  the  military  value  of  a  parole.  When 
time  came  for  the  officers  to  go  to  bed,  Jake  volun 
teered  to  take  their  boots  down  to  the  kitchen  to 
be  blacked.  He  had  no  fears  of  their  leaving,  bare 
footed,  in  the  snow,  as  long  as  he  held  on  to  their 
boots,  Jake  told  me,  with  a  chuckle,  of  his  strata 
gem,  on  his  return.  He  never  doubted  that  it  kept 
his  prisoners  from  going  away  that  night. 


76  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

DRANESVILLE,  VA.,  March  24,  1863. 

COLONEL: — I  have  the  honor  to  report,  on  the  iyth 
instant,  at  i  P.M.,  the  reserve  picket  post  at  Herndon 
Station,  consisting  of  twenty-five  men,  under  command  of 
Second  Lieut.  Alexander  G.  Watson,  Company  L,  First 
Vermont  Cavalry,  was  surprised  by  Capt.  Mosby,  with  a 
force  of  forty-two  men,  and  twenty-one  of  our  men,  together 
with  Maj.  William  Wells,  Capt.  Robert  Schofield,  Company 
F,  and  Second  Lieut.  Alexander  G.  Watson,  Company  L, 
and  Perley  C.  J.  Cheney,  Company  C  (second  lieutenant) 
captured,  all  of  First  Vermont  Cavalry ;  the  three  first  were 
visiting  the  post.  The  surprise  was  so  complete  the  men 
made  but  little  or  no  resistance.  The  enemy  were  led  on 
by  citizens  and  entered  on  foot  by  a  bridle-path  in  rear  of 
the  post,  capturing  the  vidette  stationed  on  the  road  before 
he  was  able  to  give  the  alarm.  Every  effort  was  made,  on 
receipt  of  the  intelligence  by  me,  to  capture  the  party,  but 
without  avail.  Had  Second  Lieut.  Edwin  H.  Higley,  Com 
pany  K,  First  Vermont  Cavalry,  who  had  started  with  the 
relief  for  the  post,  consisting  of  forty  men,  together  with  ten 
of  the  old  guard,  who  joined  him,  performed  his  duty,  the 
whole  party  could,  and  would,  have  been  taken.  I  cannot 
too  strongly  urge  that  orders  may  be  given  that  all  citizens 
near  outpost  must  remove  beyond  the  lines.  Such  occur 
rences  are  exceedingly  discreditable,  but  sometimes  unavoid 
able,  not  only  calculated  to  embolden  the  enemy,  but  dis 
pirit  our  men.  I  am,  &c., 

CHARLES  F.  TAGGART, 

Major,  Commanding  Post. 
COL.  R.  BUTLER  PRICE, 

Commanding,  &*v. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES.  // 

NEAR  PIEDMONT,  VA.,  March  18,  1863. 

GENERAL  :  —  Yesterday  I  attacked  a  body  of  the  enemy's 
cavalry  at  Herndon  Station,  in  Fairfax  County,  completely 
routing  them.  I  brought  off  twenty-five  prisoners  —  a 
major  (Wells),  one  captain,  two  lieutenants,  and  twenty- 
one  men,  all  their  arms,  twenty-six  horses  and  equipments. 
One,  severely  wounded,  was  left  on  the  ground.  The 
enemy  pursued  me  in  force,  but  were  checked  by  my  rear 
guard  and  gave  up  the  pursuit.  My  loss  was  nothing. 

The  enemy  have  moved  their  cavalry  from  Germantown 
back  of  Fairfax  Court  House  on  the  Alexandria  pike. 

In  this  affair  my  officers  and  men   behaved  splendidly, 

&c. 

JNO.  S.  MOSBY, 

Captain,  <5rv. 

[Indorsement^ 

MAJ.-GEN.  J.  E.  B.  STUART. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA, 
March  21,  1863. 

Respectfully  forwarded  for  the  information  of  the  depart 
ment  and  as  evidence  of  the  merit  and  continued  success 

of  Captain  Mosby. 

R.  E.  LEE, 

General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

"  'Tis  sweet  to  win,  no  matter  how,  one's  laurels. 
By  blood  or  ink."  —  Don  Juan. 

CURING  the  time  I  had  been  operating  against 
•*-^  the  outposts  of  the  Union  army  in  Northern 
Virginia  I  kept  up  a  regular  correspondence  with 
Stuart  by  means  of  couriers,  and  reported  to  him  the 
result  of  every  action.  The  base  from  where  I  oper 
ated  was  on  its  flank,  and  so  I  compelled  it  to  present 
a  double  front.  The  prisoners  taken  were  sometimes 
released  on  their  paroles,  but  generally  sent  out 
under  charge  of  a  guard  to  the  provost  marshal  at 
Culpepper  Court  House.  The  necessity  of  making 
the  details  for  guard  duty  seriously  diminished  my 
effective  strength.  It  would  take  nearly  a  week  for 
them  to  go  over  and  return,  and  I  was  often  com 
pelled  to  wait  on  that  account  before  undertaking  an 
expedition.  The  men,  too,  who  would  join  me  to  go 
on  a  raid  just  to  get  a  horse  would  generally  quit  as 
soon  as  it  was  over  to  return  to  their  own  regiments. 
When  an  enterprise  had  been  accomplished,  I  was 
often  left  as  forlorn  as  Montrose  after  fighting  and 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  79 

winning  a  battle  with  the  undisciplined  Highland 
clans  —  they  had  all  scattered  and  gone  home  with 
their  plunder.  I  would  have  to  give  notice  of  my 
place  and  time  of  meeting  several  days  in  advance, 
in  order  to  make  sure  of  a  sufficient  number  answer 
ing  the  call  to  effect  any  good  work.  The  longer  I 
remained  in  the  country,  successful  raids  became 
more  difficult,  as  the  enemy  was  all  the  time  on  the 
lookout,  and  kept  every  point  closely  guarded.  I 
had  promised  Stuart,  as  an  inducement  to  let  me 
have  some  men,  either  to  compel  the  enemy  to  con 
tract  their  lines  in  Fairfax  County  or  to  reinforce 
them  heavily.  Having  no  fixed  lines  to  guard  or 
defined  territory  to  hold,  it  was  always  my  policy  to 
elude  the  enemy  when  they  came  in  search  of  me, 
and  carry  the  war  into  their  own  camps. 

This  was  the  best  way  to  keep  them  at  home.  To 
have  fought  my  own  command  daily,  on  equal  terms 
and  in  open  combats  against  the  thousands  that 
could  have  been  brought  against  it  by  the  North, 
would  soon  have  resulted  in  its  entire  annihilation. 
I  endeavored  to  compensate  for  my  limited  resources 
by  stratagems,  surprises,  and  night  attacks,  in  which 
the  advantage  was  generally  on  my  side,  notwith 
standing  the  superior  numbers  we  assailed.  For  this 
reason,  the  complaint  has  often  been  made  against 
me  that  I  would  not  fight  fair.  So  an  old  Austrian 


80  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

general  complained  that  Bonaparte  violated  all  mili- 
tary  maxims  and  traditions  by  flying  about  from  post 
to  post  in  Italy,  breaking  up  his  cantonments  and 
fighting  battles  in  the  winter  time.  The  accusations 
that  have  been  made  against  my  mode  of  warfare  are 
about  as  reasonable.  In  one  sense  the  charge  that 
I  did  not  fight  fair  is  true.  I  fought  for  success  and 
not  for  display.  There  was  no  man  in  the  Confed 
erate  army  who  had  less  of  the  spirit  of  knight- 
errantry  in  him,  or  took  a  more  practical  view  of  war 
than  I  did.  The  combat  between  Richard  and 
Saladin  by  the  Diamond  of  the  Desert  is  a  beautiful 
picture  for  the  imagination  to  dwell  on,  but  it  isn't 
war,  and  was  no  model  for  me.  The  poets  have 
invested  the  deeds  of  the  Templars  with  the  colors 
of  romance ;  but  if  they  were  half  as  generous  as 
they  were  said  to  have  been,  it  was  because  their 
swords,  and  not  their  hearts,  were  dedicated  to  a 
cause. 

I  never  admired  and  did  not  imitate  the  example 
of  the  commander  who  declined  the  advantage  of  the 
first  fire.  But,  while  I  conducted  war  on  the  theory 
that  the  end  of  it  is  to  secure  peace  by  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  resources  of  the  enemy,  with  as  small 
a  loss  as  possible  to  my  own  side,  there  is  no  authen 
ticated  act  of  mine  which  is  not  perfectly  in  accord 
ance  with  approved  military  usage.  Grant,  Sheridan, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  gr 

and  Stonewall  Jackson  had  about  the  same  ideas 
that  I  had  on  the  subject  of  war.  I  will  further  add 
that  I  was  directly  under  the  orders  of  Stuart  up  to 
the  time  of  his  death,  in  May,  1864,  and  after  that 
time,  of  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee,  until  the  end  of  the 
war.  With  both  of  these  two  great  Christian 
soldiers  I  had  the  most  confidential  relations.  My 
military  conduct  received  from  them  not  only  appro 
bation,  but  many  encomiums.  In  a  letter  received 
from  Stuart  about  this,  he  said,  "  I  heartily  wish  you 
great  and  increasing  success  in  the  glorious  career 
on  which  you  have  entered." 

In  September,  1864,  I  visited  Gen.  Lee  at  his 
headquarters,  near  Petersburg.  I  had  been  badly 
wounded  a  week  or  so  before  by  a  bullet,  which 
I  still  carry  in  me.  When  he  saw  me  hobbling  up 
to  him  on  my  crutches,  he  came  to  meet  me,  and 
said,  as  he  extended  his  hand,  "  Colonel,  I  have 
never  had  but  one  fault  to  find  with  you  —  you  are 
always  getting  wounded."  I  mention  this  circum 
stance  to  show  that  all  I  did  had  the  sanction  of  the 
commander  of  the  army  of  Northern  Virginia,  of 
which  my  own  command  —  the  Forty-third  Battalion 
of  Virginia  Cavalry  —  was  a  part.  I  was  indepen 
dent  simply  in  the  sense  that  both  Gen.  Lee  and 
Gen.  Stuart  had  such  confidence  in  me  that  they 
never  undertook  to  trammel  me  with  orders,  but 


32  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

gave  me  full  discretion  to  act  as  I  chose.  After  the 
death  of  Stuart,  Gen.  Lee  frequently  wrote  to  me, 
although  we  were  separated  by  a  distance  of  over 
a  hundred  miles.  All  of  his  letters  are  in  his  own 
handwriting.  What  were  called  my  depredations 
had  caused  another  brigade  of  cavalry  to  be  sent 
into  Fairfax  to  protect  Washington.  The  frequent 
incursions  we  had  made  down  there  created  great 
alarm  and  an  apprehension  that  they  might  be  ex 
tended  across  the  Potomac.  The  deliberations  of 
the  Senate  were  frequently  disturbed  by  the  cry 
that  the  Gauls  were  at  the  gate.  One  day  I  rode 
down  on  a  scout  in  sight  of  the  dome  of  the  Capitol, 
when  a  wagon  came  along,  going  to  Washington, 
which  was  driven  by  the  wife  of  a  Union  man  who 
had  left  his  home  in  Virginia  and  taken  refuge  there. 
I  stopped  it,  and,  after  some  conversation  with  the 
driver,  told  her  who  I  was.  With  a  pair  of  scissors 
she  had  I  cut  off  a  lock  of  my  hair  and  sent  it  to 
Mr.  Lincoln,  with  a  message  that  I  was  coming  to 
get  one  of  his  soon.  A  few  days  after  this,  I  saw  in 
the  Star  that  it  had  been  delivered  to  him,  and  that 
the  President  enjoyed  the  joke. 

After  returning  from  my  last  expedition  to  Hern- 
don  Station,  I  had  sent  John  Underwood  down  to 
search  along  the  lines  for  a  weak  point  where  I 
might  make  a  successful  attack.  This  had  now 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  83 

become  very  difficult  to  do.  There  had  been  so 
many  real  and  false  alarms  that  the  pickets  were 
always  on  the  watch,  and  slept  with  their  eyes  open. 
The  videttes  were  stationed  so  close  together  that  it 
was  impossible  to  pass  them  without  being  discov 
ered  ;  and  a  snowbird  could  not  fly  by  without  being 
fired  at.  They  had  so  strengthened  their  lines  that, 
where  formerly  there  had  been  not  over  a  dozen  men, 
there  were  now  a  hundred.  If  there  was  a  hole 
anywhere,  I  knew  that  John  Underwood  would  find 
it.  I  had  about  that  time  received  another  recruit, 
who  became  famous  in  the  annals  of  my  command. 
His  home  was  in  Loudoun,  and  his  name  was  William 
Hibbs.  He  was  always  called  the  "Major,"  although 
he  never  held  a  commission.  He  was  a  blacksmith 
by  trade,  over  fifty  years  old,  and  had  already  fully 
discharged  the  duty  he  owed  to  the  Southern  Con 
federacy  by  sending  his  two  sons  into  the  army. 
But  for  my  appearance  in  the  vicinity,  he  would 
probably  have  lived  and  died  unheard. 

The  fame  of  the  exploits  of  my  men,  and  the  rich 
prizes  they  won,  aroused  his  martial  ambition;  and 
he  determined  to  quit  the  forge  and  become  a  war 
rior  bold.  The  country  soon  echoed  the  notes  of  his 
fame,  as  the  anvil  had  once  rung  with  the  strokes  of 
his  hammer.  Around  the  triumvirate  —  Dick  Moran, 
John  Underwood,  and  Major  Hibbs  —  recruits  now 


g4  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

gathered  as  iron  filings  cluster  around  a  magnet 
They  were  the  germs  from  which  my  command  grew 
and  spread  like  a  banyan  tree.  Beattie,  who  was 
always  my  faithful  Achates,  had  been  captured,  but 
was  soon  afterward  exchanged.  Underwood,  on  his 
return  from  his  scout,  reported  a  body  of  about  100 
cavalry  at  Chantilly,  which  was  in  supporting  dis 
tance  of  several  other  bodies  of  about  equal  num 
bers.  An  attack  on  the  post  there  would  be 
extremely  hazardous,  on  account  of  the  proximity 
of  the  others.  The  chance  of  success  was  a  poor 
one ;  but,  as  about  fifty  men  had  assembled  to  go 
with  me,  I  did  not  like  to  disappoint  them.  Each 
man  wanted  a  horse,  as  well  as  a  leader  to  show  him 
how  to  get  one.  They  were  all  willing  to  risk  a 
good  deal,  and  so  was  I.  We  started  off  for  Chan 
tilly,  down  the  Little  River  Turnpike,  as  the  mud 
prevented  our  travelling  any  other  route.  The  ad 
vantage  of  attacking  at  Chantilly  was  not  only  that 
we  had  a  good  road  to  travel  on,  but  I  knew  it  was, 
the  very  last  place  they  expected  I  would  attack. 
They  did  not  look  for  my  approach  in  broad  daylight 
along  the  pike,  but  thought  I  would  come  by  some 
crooked  path  after  dark  through  the  pines. 

I  had  never  asked  a  commission  of  the  Confederate 
government,  but  the  warfare  I  had  been  conducting 
had  attracted  the  attention  of  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES,  g$ 

who  not  only  complimented  me  in  general  orders 
published  to  the  army,  but  at  his  request  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  Confederate  States  sent  me  a  commission 
as  captain,  with  authority  to  organize  a  company  of 
cavalry.  This  was  succeeded,  in  the  course  of  two 
or  three  weeks,  with  a  commission  of  major.  Before 
the  close  of  the  war  I  became  a  full  colonel,  which 
was  the  highest  rank  I  got.  My  first  commission 
was  accompanied  by  the  following  letter :  — 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA, 
March  23,  1863. 

CAPT.  J.  S.  MOSBY,  through  Major-  General  Stuart. 

CAPTAIN  :  —  You  will  perceive  from  the  copy  of  the  order 
herewith  inclosed  that  the  President  has  appointed  you  cap 
tain  of  partisan  rangers.  The  general  commanding  directs 
me  to  say  that  it  is  desired  that  you  proceed  at  once  to 
organize  your  company,  with  the  understanding  that  it  is  to 
be  placed  on  a  footing  with  all  the  troops  of  the  line,  and  to 
be  mustered  unconditionally  in  the  Confederate  service  for 
and  during  the  war.  Though  you  are  to  be  its  captain,  the 
men  will  have  the  privilege  of  electing  the  lieutenants  so 
soon  as  its  members  reach  the  legal  standard.  You  will 
report  your  progress  from  time  to  time,  and  when  the  requi 
site  number  of  men  are  enrolled,  an  officer  will  be  desig 
nated  to  muster  the  company  into  the  service. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  W.  TAYLOR,  A.  A.  G. 


86  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

The  partisan  ranger  law  was  an  act  of  the  Confed 
erate  Congress  authorizing  the  President  to  issue 
commissions  to  officers  to  organize  partisan  corps. 
They  stood  on  the  same  footing  with  other  cavalry 
organizations  in  respect  to  rank  and  pay,  but,  in 
addition,  were  given  the  benefit  of  the  law  of  mari 
time  prize.  There  was  really  no  novelty  in  applying 
this  principle  to  land  forces.  England  has  always 
done  so  in  her  Majesty's  East  Indian  service,  and  the 
spoils  of  Waterloo  were  divided  among  the  captors, 
of  which  Wellington  took  his  share.  The  booty  of 
Delhi  was  the  subject  of  litigation  in  the  English 
Court  of  Chancery,  and  Havelock,  Campbell  and 
Outram  returned  home  from  the  East  loaded  with 
barbaric  spoils.  As  there  is  a  good  deal  of  human 
nature  in  people,  and  as  Major  Dalgetty  is  still  the  type 
of  a  class,  it  will  be  seen  how  the  peculiar  privileges 
given  to  my  men  served  to  whet  their  zeal.  I  have 
often  heard  them  disputing  over  the  division  of  the 
horses  before  they  were  captured,  and  it  was  no 
uncommon  thing  for  a  man  to  remind  me  just  as  he 
was  about  going  into  a  fight  that  he  did  not  get  a 
horse  from  the  last  one.  On  the  Chantilly  raid  I 
was  accompanied  by  Captain  Hoskins,  an  English 
officer,  who  had  just  reported  to  me  with  a  letter 
from  Stuart.  He  had  been  a  captain  in  the  English 
army  and  &ad  won  the  Crimean  medal.  After  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  87 

conclusion  of  peace  he  had  returned  home,  but  dis 
liking  the  monotonous  life  of  the  barracks,  had  sold 
his  commission  and  joined  Garibaldi  in  his  Sicilian 
expedition.  He  was  a  thorough  soldier  of  fortune, 
devoted  to  the  profession  of  arms,  and  loved  the 
excitement  of  danger  and  the  joy  of  battle.  He  had 
been  attracted  to  our  shores  by  the  great  American 
war,  which  offered  a  field  for  the  display  of  his  cour 
age  and  the  gratification  of  his  military  tastes.  He 
was  a  noble  gentleman  and  a  splendid  soldier,  but  his 
career  with  me  was  short.  A  few  weeks  after  that 
he  fell  fighting  by  my  side. 

I  mounted  Hoskins  and  his  companion,  Captain 
Kennon,  on  captured  horses,  and  they  went  to  try 
their  luck  with  me.  The  post  at  Chantilly  was  only 
two  miles  from  the  camp  of  a  division  of  cavalry, 
and  flanked  by  strong  supporting  parties  on  each 
side.  When  I  got  within  two  or  three  miles  of  it, 
I  turned  obliquely  off  to  the  right,  in  order  to  pene 
trate,  if  possible,  between  them  and  Centreville,  and 
gain  their  rear.  But  they  were  looking  out  for  me, 
and  I  found  there  was  no  chance  for  a  surprise.  I 
despaired  almost  of  doing  anything ;  but  as  I  did 
not  want  to  go  back  without  trying  to  do  some 
thing,  I  ordered  a  few  men  to  chase  in  the  pickets, 
in  hopes  that  this  would  draw  their  main  body  out 
for  some  distance.  They  did  so,  and  several  were 


38  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

killed  and  captured.  From  a  high  position  I  saw 
the  reserve  mount,  form,  and  move  up  the  pike.  I 
regained  the  pike  also,  so  as  not  to  be  cut  off.  I 
got  ready  to  charge  as  soon  as  they  were  near,  al 
though  I  did  not  have  half  their  number,  when  I 
discovered  another  large  body  of  cavalry,  that  had 
heard  the  firing,  coming  rapidly  from  the  direction 
of  Fryingpan  to  reinforce  them.  These  were  more 
than  I  had  bargained  to  fight  in  the  open,  so  I  or 
dered  a  retreat  at  a  trot  up  the  turnpike.  I  was 
certain  that  they  would  pursue  rapidly,  thinking  I 
was  running  away,  and,  getting  strung  out  along 
the  pike,  would  lose  their  advantage  in  numbers,  and 
give  me  a  chance  to  turn  and  strike  back.  My  cal 
culation  was  right.  I  kept  my  men  well  closed  up, 
with  two  some  distance  behind,  to  give  me  notice 
when  they  got  near.  I  had  just  passed  over  a  hill, 
and  was  descending  on  the  other  side,  when  one  of 
my  men  dashed  up  and  said  the  enemy  was  right 
upon  me.  I  looked  back,  but  they  were  not  in 
sight.  I  could  distinctly  hear  their  loud  cheers  and 
the  hoofstrokes  of  their  horses  on  the  hard  pike. 
I  had  either  to  suffer  a  stampede  or  make  a  fight. 
The  cavalry  officer  is  like  the  woman  who  deliber 
ates —  he's  lost.  If  I  had  gone  a  step  further  my 
retreat  would  have  degenerated  into  a  rout. 

My  horses  were  jaded   by  a  long  day's   march, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  89 

while  the  enemies'  were  fresh.  I  promptly  ordered 
the  men  to  halt,  right  about  wheel,  and  draw  sabres. 
It  was  all  done  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye.  For 
tunately,  just  at  the  place  where  I  halted  was  an 
abattis,  formed  of  fallen  trees,  which  had  been  made 
by  the  army  the  year  before.  The  men  formed  be 
hind  these,  as  I  knew  that  when  they  darted  out  it 
would  create  the  impression  on  my  pursuers  that  I 
had  drawn  them  into  an  ambuscade.  As  they  stood 
there,  calmly  waiting  for  me  to  give  the  word  for 
the  onset, 

A  horrid  front  they  form, 

Still  as  the  breeze,  but  dreadful  as  the  storm. 

I  had  no  faith  in  the  sabre  as  a  weapon.  I  only 
made  the  men  draw  their  sabres  to  prevent  them 
from  wasting  their  fire  before  they  got  to  closer 
quarters.  I  knew  that  when  they  got  among  them 
the  pistol  would  be  used.  My  success  had  been  so 
uninterrupted  that  the  men  thought  that  victory  was 
chained  to  my  standard.  Men  who  go  into  a  fight 
under  the  influence  of  such  feelings  are  next  to  in 
vincible,  and  are  generally  victors  before  it  begins. 
We  had  hardly  got  into  position  before  the  head  of 
che  pursuing  column  appeared  over  the  hill,  less  than 
100  yards  off.  They  had  expected  to  see  our  backs, 
and  not  our  faces.  It  was  a  rule  from  which,  dur- 


90  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

ing  the  war,  I  never  departed,  not  to  stand  still  and 
receive  a  charge,  but  always  to  act  on  the  offensive. 
This  was  the  maxim  of  Frederick  the  Great,  and 
the  key  to  the  wonderful  successes  he  won  with  his 
cavalry.  At  the  order  to  charge,  my  men  dashed 
forward  with  a  yell  that  startled  and  stunned  those 
who  were  foremost  in  pursuit.  I  saw  them  halt,  and 
I  knew  then  that  they  had  lost  heart  and  were 
beaten.  Before  they  could  wheel,  my  men  were 
among  them.  Those  who  were  coming  up  behind 
them,  seeing  those  in  front  turn  their  backs,  did  the 
same  thing.  They  had  no  idea  they  were  running 
away  from  the  same  number  of  men  they  had  been 
chasing.  My  men  had  returned  their  sabres  to  their 
scabbards,  and  the  death-dealing  revolver  was  now 
doing  its  work. 

The  Union  cavalry  had  assumed,  as  I  thought  they 
would,  that  my  retreat  had  only  been  feigned  to  draw 
them  into  a  trap.  They  could  not  understand  why 
I  ran  away  just  to  run  back  again.  They  had  no 
time  to  ascertain  our  numbers  or  to  recover  from  the 
shock  of  their  surprise  in  finding  us  drawn  up  to 
receive  them.  I  never  witnessed  a  more  complete 
rout,  or  one  with  less  cause  for  it.  The  chase  con 
tinued  two  or  three  miles.  It  was  almost  dark  when 
we  stopped.  I  remember  that  in  the  first  set  of  fours 
that  led  the  charge  were  three  young  men,  James  W. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^r 

Poster,  Thomas  W.  Richards,  and  William  L.  Hunter, 
to  whom  I  gave  commissions  for  their  gallant  conduct. 
They  all  have  since  won  honorable  positions  in  civil 
life.  We  left  the  killed  and  wounded  on  the  field, 
brought  off  thirty-six  prisoners  and  about  fifty  horses. 
By  strategy  and  hard  fighting,  four  times  our  num 
bers  had  been  defeated.  The  only  casualty  in  my 
command  happened  to  Major  Hibbs,  who  had  his 
boot-heel  shot  off.  He  had  been  one  of  the  foremost 
leaders  in  the  charge,  and  like  Byron's  corsair,  every 
where  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight  "  shone  his  mailed 
breast  and  flashed  his  sabre's  ray."  When  the  "Ma 
jor"  rode  up  to  me,  after  the  fight  was  over,  he  was 
almost  a  maniac,  he  was  so  wild  with  delight.  And 
when,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  men,  I  praised  his 
valor,  he  could  no  longer  contain  himself ;  he  laughed 
and  wept  by  turns.  All  that  he  could  say  in  reply 
was :  "  Well,  Captain,  I  knew  the  work  had  to  be 
done,  and  that  was  the  way  to  do  it."  One  thing  is 
certain,  the  Major  got  a  good  horse  as  a  reward. 
The  regiment  we  had  fought  happened  to  be  the  very 
one  to  which  Ames  had  belonged,  and  from  which  he 
had  deserted  a  few  weeks  before  to  join  me.  He 
had  gone  through  their  ranks  like  an  avenging  angel, 
shooting  right  and  left.  He  took  a  malicious  pleasure 
in  introducing  some  of  his  old  comrades  to  me.  I 
could  not  help  feeling  a  pang  of  regret  that  such 


-92  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

courage  as  his  should  be  stained  with  dishonor.  It 
was  Hoskins's  first  fight  with  me.  He  said  it  was 
^better  than  a  fox  chase.  I  recall  his  image  now  as 
it  rises  above  the  flood  of  years,  as  he  hewed  his  path 
through  the  broken  ranks.  It  was  a  point  of  honor 
or  of  military  etiquette  with  him  to  use  his  sword 
and  not  his  pistol.  In  this  way  he  lost  his  life.  I 
reported  to  Stuart  the  result  of  the  engagement  and 
received  from  him  the  following  letter  in  reply : 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  DIVISION, 

ARMY  OF  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA, 
March  27,  1863. 

CAPTAIN  :  —  Your  telegram  announcing  your  brilliant 
achievement  near  Chantilly  was  duly  received  and  forwarded 
to  General  Lee.  He  exclaimed  upon  reading  it  : 

"  Hurrah  for  Mosby  !     I  wish  I  had  a  hundred  like  him." 

Heartily  wishing  you  continued  success,  I  remain  your 
Obedient  servant,  J.  E.  B.  STUART, 

Major-  General  Commanding. 

Captain  J.  S.  MOSBY,  Commanding,  etc. 


FAIRFAX  COURT-HOUSE,  March  23,  1863. 

SIR  :  —  At  5  P.M.,  our  picket  in  front  of  Chantilly  was  at 
tacked.  The  videttes  were  on  the  alert,  and  gave  the 
alarm.  The  reserve  of  about  70  men  were  immediately 
under  arms,  and  charged  the  enemy,  who  fled  for  2  miles 
along  the  Little  River  turnpike.  Between  Saunder's  toll- 
gate  and  Cub  Run  there  is  a  strip  of  woods  about  a  half  a 
mile  wide  through  which  the  road  runs.  Within  the  woods, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  93 

and  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  apart,  are  two  barricades  of 
fallen  trees ;  our  troops  pursued  the  enemy  between  these 
barricades.  Behind  the  latter,  some  of  the  enemy  were 
concealed.  The  head  of  the  column  was  here  stopped  by  a 
fire  of  carbines  and  pistols,  and  also  by  a  fire  upon  the 
flank  from  the  woods.  The  column  broke,  and  was  pur 
sued  by  the  enemy  ii  miles.  It  was  then  rallied  by  the 
exertions  of  Majors  Bacon  and  White.  Captains  McGuinn 
and  Hasbrouck,  when  they  heard  of  the  alarm,  proceeded 
on  a  gallop  from  Fryingpan,  and,  joining  Major  White's 
command,  pursued  the  enemy  for  8  miles.  Night  coming 
on,  and  the  enemy  being  more  numerous  than  we  were, 
and  our  horses  exhausted,  the  column  halted  and  returned 
to  Chantilly.  The  line  of  pickets  is  now  established.  Our 
loss  is,  killed,  Corporal  Gilles,  Company  H.  Fifth  New 
York  Cavalry ;  James  Doyle,  Company  C ;  John  Harris, 
Company  L.  Mortally  wounded,  Sergeant  Leahey,  Com 
pany  C.  Lieutenant  Merritt  taken  prisoner. 

ROBT.   JOHNSTONE, 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Commanding. 
COL.  R.  BUTLER  PRICE, 

Commanding  Cav.  Brig. 

[Indorsement^ 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA, 
March  26,  1863. 

GENERAL: — On  the  25th  [23]  instant  Capt.  Mosby  at 
tacked  and  routed  a  body  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  on  the 
Little  River  turnpike,  near  Chantilly.  He  reports  10  killed 
and  wounded  —  and  a  lieutenant  and  30  [35]  men,  with 
their  horses,  arms,  and  equipments  captured.  He  sustained 
no  loss.  .  .  .  etc.  R.  E.  LEE,  General. 


94 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


FAUQUIER  COUNTY,  VA.,  April  7,  1863. 

GENERAL:  —  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following 
report  of  the  operations  of  the  cavalry  under  my  command 
since  rendering  my  last  report.  On  Monday,  March  16,  I 
proceeded  down  the  Little  River  pike  to  capture  two  out 
posts  of  the  enemy,  each  numbering  60  or  70  men.  I  did 
not  succeed  in  gaining  their  rear  as  I  expected,  and  only 
captured  4  or  5  videttes.  It  being  late  in  the  evening,  and 
our  horses  very  much  jaded,  I  concluded  to  return.  I  had 
gone  not  over  a  mile  back  when  we  saw  a  large  body  of  the 
enemy's  cavalry,  which,  according  to  their  own  reports, 
numbered  200  men,  rapidly  pursuing.  I  feigned  a  retreat, 
desiring  to  draw  them  off  from  their  camps.  At  a  point 
where  the  enemy  had  blockaded  the  road  with  fallen  trees, 
I  formed  to  receive  them,  for  with  my  knowledge  of  the 
Yankee  character  I  knew  they  would  imagine  themselves 
fallen  into  an  ambuscade.  When  they  had  come  within  100 
yards  of  me  I  ordered  a  charge,  to  which  my  men  responded 
with  a  vim  that  swept  everything  before  them.  The  Yankees 
broke  when  we  got  in  75  yards  of  them ;  and  it  was  more 
of  a  chase  than  a  fight  for  4  or  5  miles.  We  killed  5, 
wounded  a  considerable  number,  and  brought  off  i  lieuten 
ant  and  35  men  prisoners.  I  did  not  have  over  50  men 
with  me,  some  having  gone  back  with  the  prisoners  and 
others  having  gone  on  ahead,  when  we  started  back,  not  an 
ticipating  any  pursuit.  On  Monday,  March  31,  I  went 
down  in  the  direction  of  Dranesville  to  capture  several 
strong  outposts  in  the  vicinity  of  that  place.  On  reaching 
there  I  discovered  that  they  had  fallen  back  about  10  miles 
down  the  Alexandria  pike.  I  then  returned  6  or  8  miles 
back  and  stopped  about  10  o'clock  at  night  at  a  point 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  95 

about  2  miles  from  the  pike.  Early  the  next  morning  one 
of  my  men,  whom  I  had  left  over  on  the  Leesburg  pike, 
came  dashing  in,  and  announced  the  rapid  approach  of  the 
enemy.  But  he  had  scarcely  given  us  the  information  when 
the  enemy  appeared  a  few  hundred  yards  off,  coming  up  at 
a  gallop.  At  this  time  our  horses  were  eating;  all  had 
their  bridles  off,  and  some  even  their  saddles  —  they  were 
all  tied  in  a  barnyard. 

Throwing  open  the  gate  I  ordered  a  counter- charge,  to 
which  my  men  promptly  responded.  The  Yankees  never 
dreaming  of  our  assuming  the  offensive,  terrified  at  the  yells 
of  the  men  as  they  dashed  on,  they  broke  and  fled  in  every 
direction.  We  drove  them  in  confusion  seven  or  eight 
miles  down  the  pike.  We  left  on  the  field  nine  of  them 
killed  —  among  them  a  captain  and  lieutenant  —  and  about 
fifteen  too  badly  wounded  for  removal ;  in  this  lot  two  lieu 
tenants.  We  brought  off  82  prisoners,  many  of  these  also 
wounded.  I  have  since  visited  the  scene  of  the  fight.  The 
enemy  sent  up  a  flag  of  truce  for  their  dead  and  wounded, 
but  many  of  them  being  severely  wounded,  they  established 
a  hospital  on  the  ground.  The  surgeon  who  attended  them 
informs  me  that  a  great  number  of  those  who  escaped  were 
wounded.  The  force  of  the  enemy  was  six  companies  of 
the  First  Vermont  Cavalry,  one  of  their  oldest  and  best 
regiments,  and  the  prisoners  inform  me  that  they  had  every 
available  man  with  them.  There  were  certainly  not  less 
than  200 ;  the  prisoners  say  it  was  more  than  that.  I  had 
about  65  men  in  this  affair.  In  addition  to  the  prisoners, 
we  took  all  their  arms  and  about  100  horses  and  equip 
ments.  Privates  Hart,  Hurst,  Keyes  and  Davis  were 
wounded.  The  latter  has  since  died.  Both  on  this  and 


96 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


several  other  occasions  they  have  borne  themselves  with 
conspicuous  gallantry.  In  addition  to  those  mentioned 
above  I  desire  to  place  on  record  the  names  of  several 
others,  whose  promptitude  and  boldness  in  closing  in  with 
the  enemy  contributed  much  to  the  success  of  the  fight., 
They  are  Lieutenant  Chapman  (late  of  Dixie  Artillery), 
Sergt.  Hunter  and  Privates  Wellington  and  Harry  Hatcher, 
Turner,  Wild,  Sowers,  Ames  and  Sibert.  There  are  many 
others,  I  have  no  doubt,  deserving  of  honorable  mention, 
but  the  above  are  only  those  who  came  under  my  personal 
observation.  I  confess  that  on  this  occasion  I  had  not 
taken  sufficient  precautions  to  guard  against  surprise.  It 
was  10  [o'clock]  at  night  when  I  reached  the  place  where 
the  fight  came  off  on  the  succeeding  day.  We  had  ridden 
through  snow  and  mud  upwards  of  40  miles,  and  both  men 
and  horses  were  nearly  broken  down ;  besides,  the  enemy 
had  fallen  back  a  distance  of  about  18  miles.  , 


MAJ.-GEN.  J.  E.  B.  STUART. 


JOHN  S.  MOSBY, 

Captain  Commanding.     .#.. 


[Indorsements.  ~\ 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  DIVISION, 
April  n,  1863. 

Respectfully  forwarded,  as   in   perfect   keeping  with  his 
other  brilliant  achievements.     Recommended  for  promotion. 

J.  E.  B.  STUART, 
Major-  General. 


JIOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


9T 


HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  NORTHERN  VIRGINIA, 
April  13,  1863. 

Respectfully  forwarded  for  the  information  of  the  Depart 
ment.    Telegraphic  reports  already  sent  in. 

R.  E.  LEE,  General. 

APRIL  22,  1863. 

ADJUTANT- GENERAL  :  —  Nominate  as  major  if  it  has  not; 
been  previously  done. 

J.  A.  S.  [SEDDON],  Secretary. 


MOSBY^S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

**  Olympicum  pulverem  collegisse  juvat."  —  Horace. 

A  FTER  the  fight  at  Chantilly  and  division  of  the 
•^*-  booty  the  men  who  were  with  me,  as  usual, 
disappeared.  Of  the  original  fifteen  who  had  come 
with  me  from  the  army  for  temporary  service,  five 
or  six  had  been  captured  one  night  at  a  dancing 
frolic.  Beattie  was  not  in  this  party  when  he  was 
made  a  prisoner,  but  was  captured  in  a  fight.  I 
gave  notice  of  a  meeting  at  Rector's  X  roads,  in 
Loudoun  County,  for  the  3ist  of  March.  I  had  no 
idea  until  I  got  on  the  ground  how  many  men  I 
would  have  to  go  with  me  on  my  next  raid,  although 
I  was  confident  that  the  success  of  my  last  one  would 
attract  a  good  many  soldiers  who  were  then  at  their 
homes  on  furlough.  I  was  promptly  there  at  the  ap 
pointed  time,  and  very  soon  sixty-nine  men  mustered 
to  go  with  me.  This  was  the  largest  force  I  had 
ever  commanded  up  to  that  time.  The  shaking  up 
of  a  kaleidoscope  does  not  produce  more  variegated 
colors  that  the  number  of  strange  faces  that  appeared 
among  them.  I  had  never  seen  more  than  a  dozen 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  QQ 

of  them  before,  and  very  few  of  them  had  ever  seen 
each  other.  I  remember  that  there  were  several  of 
the  Black  Horse  Company  with  them.  The  force, 
therefore,  lacked  the  cohesion  and  esprit  de  corps 
which  springs  from  discipline  and  the  mutual  confi 
dence  of  men  who  have  long  been  associated 
together.  I  had  no  subordinate  officer  to  aid  me  in 
command.  They  were  better  dressed,  but  almost  as 
motley  a  crowd  as  Falstaff's  regiment.  There  were 
representatives  of  nearly  all  the  cavalry  regiments  in 
the  army,  with  a  sprinkling  of  men  from  the  infantry, 
who  had  determined  to  try  their  luck  on  horseback. 
A  good  many  of  this  latter  class  had  been  disabled 
for  performing  infantry  duty  by  wounds  ;  there  were 
others  who  had  been  absent  from  their  regiments 
without  leave  ever  since  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run. 
There  were  a  number  of  the  wounded  men  who  car 
ried  their  crutches  along  tied  to  their  saddle  bows. 
As  soon  as  their  commanders  heard  that  I  had 
reclaimed  and  converted  them  once  more  into  good 
soldiers  they  not  only  made  requisition  to  have  them 
returned  to  their  regiments,  but  actually  complained 
to  General  Lee  of  their  being  with  me. 

Now  I  took  a  practical  and  not  a  technical  view 
of  the  question,  and  when  a  man  volunteered  to  go 
into  a  fight  with  me  I  did  not  consider  it  to  be  any 
more  a  duty  of  mine  to  investigate  his  military  record 


I00  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

than  his  pedigree.  Although  a  revolutionary  gov- 
ernment,  none  was  ever  so  much  under  the  domina 
tion  of  red  tape  as  the  one  at  Richmond.  The 
martinets  who  controlled  it  were  a  good  deal  like 
the  hero  of  Moliere's  comedy,  who  complained  that 
his  antagonist  had  wounded  him  by  thrusting  in 
carte,  when,  according  to  the  rule,  it  should  have 
been  in  tierce.  I  cared  nothing  for  the  form  of  a 
thrust  if  it  brought  blood.  I  did  not  play  with  foils. 
The  person  selected  to  feed  the  army  was  a  meta 
physical  dyspeptic,  who  it  is  said,  lived  on  rice-water, 
and  had  a  theory  that  soldiers  could  do  the  same. 
A  man,  to  fill  such  a  position  well,  should  be  in 
sympathy  with  hungry  men,  on  the  principle  that 
he  who  drives  fat  oxen  must  himself  be  fat.  When 
I  received  these  complaints,  which  were  sent  through, 
but  did  not  emanate  from  headquarters,  I  notified 
the  men  that  they  were  forbidden  any  longer  to 
assist  me  in  destroying  the  enemy.  They  would 
sorrowfully  return  to  their  homes.  It  was  no  part 
of  my  contract  to  spend  my  time  in  the  ignoble  duty 
of  catching  deserters.  I  left  that  to  those  whose 
taste  was  gratified  in  doing  the  work.  Several  of 
these  men,  who  had  been  very  efficient  with  me, 
were,  on  my  application,  transferred  to  me  by  the 
Secretary  of  War.  I  always  had  a  Confederate  fire 
in  my  rear  as  well  as  that  of  the  public  enemy  in  my 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  IOI 

front.  I  will  add  that  I  never  appealed  in  vain  for 
justice  either  to  General  R.  E.  Lee,  General  Stuart, 
or  the  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Seddon. 

And  now,  again,  on  the  3ist  of  March,  I  set  out 
once  more  to  tempt  fortune  in  the  Fairfax;  forests. 
The  men  who  followed  me  with  SG  much  zeal  were 
not,  perhaps,  altogether  of  the  saintly  character  or 
excited  by  the  pious  aspirations  of  the  Canterbury 
pilgrims  who  knelt  at  the  shrine  of  Thomas  a  Becket. 
Patriotism,  as  well  as  love  of  adventure,  impelled 
them.  If  they  got  rewards  in  the  shape  of  horses 
and  arms,  these  were  devoted,  like  their  lives,  to  the 
cause  in  which  they  were  righting.  They  were  made 
no  richer  by  what  they  got,  except  in  the  ability  to 
serve  their  country.  I  did  not  hope  for  much  on 
this  expedition.  The  enemy  had  grown  wary  and 
were  prepared  for  attack  at  every  point.  But  I 
knew  that  if  I  dispersed  the  men  without  trying  to 
do  something  I  would  never  see  them  again. 

The  spring  campaign  was  about  to  open,  and  most 
of  them  would  soon  be  recalled  to  the  army,  and  I 
would  be  left  a  major  without  a  command.  I  con 
cluded  to  attack  the  detached  cavalry  camp  at 
Dranesville.  In  a  letter  to  Stuart  a  few  weeks 
before,  I  had  suggested  that  the  cavalry  brigade 
then  stationed  at  Culpepper  Court  House  should  do 
this.  I  said:  "There  are  about  three  hundred 


102  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

cavalry  at  Dranesville  who  are  isolated  from  the 
rest  of  the  command,  so  that  nothing  would  be 
easier  than  to  capture  the  whole  force.  I  have 
harassed  them  so  much  that  they  do  not  keep 
their  pickets  over  half  a  mile  from  camp."  For 
some  'reason,  Stuart  did  not  undertake  it.  The 
reason '  was,  I '  suppose,  that  he  was  saving  his  cav 
alry  for  the  hard  work  they  would  have  to  do  as 
soon  as  Hooker  crossed  the  Rappahannock. 

The  enterprise  looked  hazardous,  but  I  calculated 
on  being  able  to  surprise  the  camp,  and  trusted  a 
good  deal  to  my  usual  good  luck.  Ames,  Dick 
Moran,  Major  Hibbs,  and  John  Underwood,  who 
never  failed  to  be  on  time,  went  with  me.  I  thought 
I  would  vary  my  tactics  a  little  this  time,  and  attack 
about  dusk.  They  would  hardly  look  for  me  at  ves 
pers  ;  heretofore  I  had  always  appeared  either  in  the 
daytime  or  late  at  night.  I  got  to  Herndon  Sta 
tion,  where  I  had  had  the  encounter  two  weeks  be 
fore  with  the  Vermont  cavalry,  about  sundown,  and 
learned  there  that  the  camp  at  Dranesville,  which 
was  about  three  miles  off,  had  been  broken  up  on 
the  day  before,  and  the  cavalry  had  been  withdrawn 
beyond  Difficult  Run,  several  miles  below.  This 
stream  has  its  proper  name,  as  there  are  few  places 
where  it  can  be  crossed,  and  I  knew  that  these 
would  be  strongly  guarded.  So  it  was  hopeless  to 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  103 

attempt  anything  in  that  direction.  As  I  was  so 
near,  I  concluded  to  go  on  to  Dranesville  that  night, 
in  hopes  that  by  chance  I  might  pick  up  some  game. 
After  spending  an  hour  or  so  there,  we  started  up 
the  Leesburg  pike  to  find  a  good  place  with  forage 
for  camping  that  night.  I  expected  that  our  pres 
ence  would  be  reported  to  the  cavalry  camps  below, 
which  would  probably  draw  out  a  force  which  I 
could  venture  to  meet.  As  all  the  forage  had  been 
consumed  for  several  miles  around,  we  had  to  march 
five  or  six  miles  to  find  any.  About  midnight  we 
stopped  at  Miskel's  farm,  which  is  about  a  mile 
from  the  turnpike  and  just  in  the  forks  of  Goose 
Creek  and  the  Potomac. 

Although  it  was  the  last  day  of  March,  snow  was 
still  lying  on  the  ground,  and  winter  lingered  on 
the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  My  authority  over  the 
men  was  of  such  a  transitory  nature  that  I  disliked 
to  order  them  to  do  anything  but  fight.  Hence  I 
did  not  put  out  any  pickets  on  the  pike.  The  men 
had  been  marching  all  day,  and  were  cold  and  tired. 
The  enemy's  camps  were  about  fifteen  miles  below, 
and  I  did  not  think  they  could  possibly  hear  of  us 
before  the  next  morning,  when  we  would  be  ready 
for  them,  if  they  came  after  us.  We  fed  and  pick 
eted  our  horses  inside  the  barnyard,  which  was  sur 
rounded  by  a  strong  fence.  Sentinels  were  sta- 


IO4 


MOSBY'S   IV AR  REMINISCENCES. 


tioned  as  a  guard  over  the  horses,  and  to  arouse 
us  in  the  event  of  alarm.  Many  of  the  men  went 
to  bed  in  the  hay-loft,  while  others,  including  my 
self,  lay  down  on  the  floor  in  the  front  room  of  the 
dwelling-house,  before  a  big  log  fire.  With  my  head 
on  my  saddle  as  a  pillow,  I  was  soon  in  a  deep 
sleep.  We  were  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the 
river,  and  there  were  Union  camps  on  the  other 
side;  but  I  had  no  fear  of  them  that  night.  About 
sunrise  the  next  morning,  I  had  just  risen  and  put 
on  my  boots  when  one  of  the  men  came  in  and 
said  that  the  enemy  on  the  hill  over  the  river  was 
making  signals.  I  immediately  went  out  into  the 
back  yard  to  look  at  them.  I  had  hardly  done  so, 
when  I  saw  Dick  Moran  coming  at  full  speed  across 
the  field,  waving  his  hat,  and  calling  out,  "  The 
Yankees  are  coming !  " 

He  had  stopped  about  two  miles  below,  near  the 
pike,  and  spent  the  night  with  a  friend;  and  just  as 
he  woke  up,  about  daylight,  he  had  seen  the  column 
of  Union  cavalry  going  up  the  pike  on  our  trail.  By 
taking  a  short  cut  across  the  fields,  he  managed  to 
get  to  us  ahead  of  them.  The  barnyard  was  not  a 
hundred  yards  from  the  house ;  and  we  all  rushed 
to  it.  But  not  more  than  one-third  of  our  horses 
were  then  bridled  and  saddled.  I  had  buckled  on 
my  arms  as  I  came  out  of  the  house.  By  the  time 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


105 


we  got  to  the  inclosure  where  our  horses  were,  I  saw 
the  enemy  coming  through  a  gate  just  on  the  edge 
of  a  clump  of  woods  about  two  hundred  yards  off. 
The  first  thing  I  said  to  the  men  was  that  they  must 
fight.  The  enemy  was  upon  us  so  quick  that  I  had 
no  time  to  bridle  or  saddle  my  horse,  as  I  was  busy 
giving  orders.  I  directed  the  men  not  to  fire,  but  to 
saddle  and  mount  quickly.  The  Union  cavalry  were 
so  sure  of  their  prey  that  they  shut  the  gates  after 
passing  through,  in  order  to  prevent  any  of  us  from 
escaping.  As  Capt.  Flint  dashed  forward  at  the 
head  of  his  squadron,  their  sabres  flashing  in  the 
rays  of  the  morning  sun,  I  felt  like  my  final  hour 
had  come.  Another  squadron,  after  getting  into  the 
open  field,  was  at  the  same  time  moving  around  to 
our  rear.  In  every  sense,  things  looked  rather  blue 
for  us.  We  were  in  the  angle  of  two  impassable 
streams  and  surrounded  by  at  least  four  times  our 
number,  with  more  than  half  of  my  men  unprepared 
for  a  fight.  But  I  did  not  despair.  I  had  great  faith 
in  the  efficacy  of  a  charge ;  and  in  the  affair  at  Chan- 
tilly  had  learned  the  superiority  of  the  revolver  over 
the  sabre.  I  was  confident  that  we  could  at  least 
cut  our  way  through  them.  The  Potomac  resounded 
with  the  cheers  of  the  troops  on  the  northern  bank, 
who  were  anxious  spectators,  but  could  not  partici 
pate  in  the  conflict.  When  I  saw  Capt.  Flint  divide 


IO6  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

his  command,  I  knew  that  my  chances  had  improved 
at  least  fifty  per  cent.  When  he  got  to  within  fifty 
yards  of  the  gate  of  the  barnyard,  I  opened  the 
gate  and  advanced,  pistol  in  hand,  on  foot  to  meet 
him,  and  at  the  same  time  called  to  the  men  that 
had  already  got  mounted  to  follow  me.  They  re 
sponded  with  one  of  those  demoniac  yells  which 
those  who  once  heard  never  forgot,  and  dashed  for 
ward  to  the  conflict  "  as  reapers  descend  to  the 
harvest  of  death."  Just  as  I  passed  through  the 
gate,  at  the  head  of  the  men,  one  of  them,  Harry 
Hatcher,  the  bravest  of  the  brave,  seeing  me  on 
foot,  dismounted,  and  gave  me  his  horse.  Our 
assailants  were  confounded  by  the  tactics  adopted, 
and  were  now  in  turn  as  much  surprised  as  we  had 
been.  They  had  thought  that  we  would  remain 
on  the  defensive,  and  were  not  prepared  to  receive 
an  attack.  I  mounted  Harry  Hatcher's  horse,  and 
led  the  charge.  In  a  few  seconds  Harry  was  mounted 
on  a  captured  one  whose  rider  had  been  killed. 
When  the  enemy  saw  us  coming  to  meet  them  they 
halted,  and  were  lost. 

The  powerful  moral  effect  of  our  assuming  the 
offensive,  when  nothing  but  surrender  had  been  ex 
pected,  seemed  to  bewilder  them.  Before  they  could 
recover  from  the  shock  of  their  surprise  Captain 
Flint,  the  leader,  had  fallen  dead  in  their  sight.  Be- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

fore  the  impetuous  onset  of  my  men  they  now  broke 
and  fled.  No  time  was  given  them  to  re-form  and 
rally.  The  remorseless  revolver  was  doing  its  work 
of  death  in  their  ranks,  while  their  swords  were  as 
harmless  as  the  wooden  sword  of  harlequin.  Unlike 
my  adversaries,  I  was  trammelled  with  no  tradition 
that  required  me  to  use  an  obsolete  weapon.  The 
combat  was  short,  sharp  and  decisive.  In  the  first 
moment  of  collision,  they  wheeled  and  made  for  the 
gate  which  they  had  already  closed  against  themselves. 
The  other  squadron  that  had  gone  around  us,  when 
they  saw  their  companions  turn  and  fly,  were  panic- 
stricken  and  forgot  what  they  had  been  sent  to  do. 
Their  thoughts  were  now  how  to  save  themselves. 
Our  capture  was  now  out  of  the  question.  They 
now  started  pell-mell  for  the  gate  in  order  to  reach 
it  ahead  of  us.  But  by  this  time  our  men  had  all 
mounted,  and  like  so  many  furies  were  riding  and 
shooting  among  their  scattered  ranks.  The  gate  was 
at  last  broken  through  by  the  pressure,  but  they 
became  so  packed  and  jammed  in  the  narrow  passage 
that  they  could  only  offer  a  feeble  resistance,  and  at 
this  point  many  fell  under  the  deadly  fire  that  was 
poured  in  from  behind.  Everywhere  above  the  storm 
of  battle  could  be  heard  the  voices  and  seen  the 
forms  of  the  Dioscuri  — " Major"  Hibbs  and  Dick 
Moran  —  cheering  on  the  men  as  they  rode  headlong 


108  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

in  the  fight.  Dick  Moran  got  into  a  hand-to-hand 
conflict  in  the  woods  with  a  party,  and  the  issue  was 
doubtful,  when  Harry  Hatcher  came  up  and  decided 
it.  There  was  with  me  that  day  a  young  artillery 
officer  —  Samuel  F.  Chapman  —  who  at  the  first  call 
of  his  State  to  arms  had  quit  the  study  of  divinity 
and  become,  like  Stonewall  Jackson,  a  sort  of  military 
Calvin,  singing  the  psalms  of  David  as  he  marched 
into  battle.  I  must  confess  that  his  character  as  a 
soldier  was  more  on  the  model  of  the  Hebrew  proph 
ets  than  the  Evangelist  or  the  Baptist  in  whom  he 
was  so  devout  a  believer.  Before  he  got  to  the  gate 
Sam  had  already  exhausted  every  barrel  of  his  two 
pistols  and  drawn  his  sabre.  As  the  fiery  Covenanter 
rode  on  his  predestined  course  the  enemy's  ranks 
withered  wherever  he  went.  He  was  just  in  front  of 
me — he  was  generally  in  front  of  everybody  in  a 
fight  —  at  the  gate.  It  was  no  fault  of  the  Union 
cavalry  that  they  did  not  get  through  faster  than  they 
did,  but  Sam  seemed  to  think  that  it  was.  Even  at 
that  supreme  moment  in  my  life,  when  I  had  just 
stood  on  the  brink  of  ruin  and  had  barely  escaped,  I 
could  not  restrain  a  propensity  to  laugh. 

Sam,  to  give  more  vigor  to  his  blows,  was  stand 
ing  straight  up  in  his  stirrups,  dealing  them  right 
and  left  with  all  the  theological  fervor  of  Burly  of 
Balfour.  I  doubt  whether  he  prayed  that  day  for 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  souls  of  those  he  sent  over  the  Stygian  river. 
I  made  him  a  captain  for  it.  The  chase  was  kept 
up  for  several  miles  down  the  pike.  When  the  peo 
ple  at  Dranesville  saw  Capt.  Flint  pass  through  that 
morning  in  search  of  me,  they  expected  to  see  him 
return  soon  with  all  of  us  prisoners.  Among  the 
first  fugitives  who  had  passed  through,  and  showed 
the  day's  disasters  in  his  face,  was  a  citizen  who 
had  hurried  down  the  night  before  to  the  camp  of 
the  Vermont  cavalry  to  tell  them  where  I  was. 
Thinking  that  Captain  Flint  had  an  easy  thing  of 
it,  he  had  ridden  with  him  as  a  pilot,  to  witness 
my  humiliation  and  surrender.  He  escaped  capture, 
but  never  returned  to  his  home  during  the  war.  I 
doubt  whether  his  loyalty  ever  received  any  reward. 
He  was  also  the  first  man  to  get  back  to  the  camp 
he  had  left  that  morning  on  Difficult  Run,  where 
he  was  about  as  welcome  as  the  messenger  who 
bore  to  Rome  the  tidings  of  Cannae.  The  reverend 
Sam  was  not  satisfied  with  the  amount  of  execution 
he  had  done  at  the  gate,  but  continued  his  slaugh 
ter  until,  getting  separated  in  the  woods  from  the 
other  men,  he  dashed  into  a  squad  of  the  Vermont 
men,  who  were  doing  their  best  to  get  away,  and 
received  a  cut  with  a  sabre.  But  one  of  my  men, 
Hunter,  came  to  his  rescue,  and  the  matter  in  dis 
pute  was  quickly  settled.  Down  the  pike  the  Ver- 


IIO  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

mont  cavalry  sped,  with  my  men  close  at  their  heels. 
Lieutenant  Woodbury  had  got  three  miles  away, 
when  a  shot  from  Ames  laid  him  low.  They  never 
drew  rein  or  looked  back  to  see  how  many  were  be 
hind  them.  I  got  pretty  close  to  one,  who,  seeing 
that  he  was  bound  to  be  shot  or  caught,  jumped 
off  his  horse  and  sat  down  on  the  roadside.  As  I 
passed  him  he  called  out  to  me,  "You  have  played 
us  a  nice  April  fool,  boys ! "  This  reminded  me 
that  it  was  the  first  day  of  April.  Some  of  the 
men  kept  up  the  pursuit  beyond  Dranesville,  but  I 
stopped  there.  The  dead  and  wounded  were  strewn 
from  where  the  fight  began,  at  Miskel's,  for  several 
miles  along  the  road.  I  had  one  man  killed  and 
three  slightly  wounded.  I  knew  that  as  soon  as  the 
news  reached  the  camps  in  Fairfax  a  heavy  force 
would  be  sent  against  me,  so  I  started  off  immedi 
ately,  carrying  eighty-three  prisoners  and  ninety-five 
horses,  with  all  their  equipments. 

At  Dranesville  were  two  sutlers'  stores  that  had 
not  been  removed  by  their  owners  when  the  camps 
were  broken  up.  These  were,  of  course,  appro 
priated,  and  helped  to  swell  the  joy  of  the  partisans. 
A  more  hilarious  party  never  went  to  war  or  a  wed 
ding  than  my  men  were  returning  home.  Danger 
always  gives  a  keener  relish  for  the  joys  of  life. 
They  struck  up  a  favorite  song  of  Tom  Moore's, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  IIt 

"  The  wine  cup  is  sparkling  before  us,"  and  the 
woods  resounded  with  the  melody.  The  dead  and 
wounded  were  left  on  the  field  to  be  cared  for  by 
citizens  until  their  friends  could  come  after  them. 
The  number  of  prisoners  I  took  exceeded  the  number 
of  my  men.  One  of  my  command  —  Frank  Williams 
—  had  ridden  early  that  morning  to  the  house  of  a 
farmer  to  get  his  breakfast.  The  Vermont  cavalry 
came  up  and  got  between  him  and  us,  and  so  Frank 
had  to  retreat.  He,  however,  took  two  of  them 
prisoners  who  had  straggled  off  on  the  same  errand, 
and  carried  them  along  with  him.  As  he  had  seen 
such  an  overwhelming  force  go  down  upon  us,  and 
as  he  knew  that  we  were  hemmed  in  by  deep  water 
on  two  sides,  Frank  took  it  for  granted  that  my  star 
had  set  forever.  He  started  off  to  carry  the  news, 
and  reached  Middleburg  that  day,  when  he  informed 
the  citizen  of  what  he  supposed  was  our  fate.  There 
was,  of  course,  loud  lamentation  over  it,  for  many 
had  a  son  or  a  brother  or  a  lover  there.  Frank  had 
been  there  an  hour  or  so  anxiously  waiting  to  hear 
something  from  us,  but  dreading  the  worst,  when 
suddenly  a  blue  column  was  seen  coming  up  the 
pike.  As  blue  was  the  predominant  color,  the  first 
impression  was  that  the  men  in  gray  were  prisoners. 
But  soon  Dick  Moran,  who  was  riding  in  front, 
solved  all  doubts  and  fears  as,  with  a  voice  louder 
than  a  Triton's  shell,  he  proclaimed,  "All  right." 


112 


MOSBY1  S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


HEADQUARTERS,  CAMP  FRED'S,  April  4,  1863. 

MR.  PRESIDENT:  —  Maj.  John  S.  Mosby  reports  that  he 
was  attacked  early  on  the  morning  of  the  20!  [ist]  instant, 
near  Dranesville,  by  about  200  Vermont  cavalry.  He 
promptly  repulsed  them,  leaving  on  the  field  25  killed  and 
wounded,  including  3  officers,  and  brought  off  82  prisoners, 
with  their  horses,  arms,  and  equipments.  His  force  con 
sisted  of  65  men,  and  his  loss  was  4  wounded. 

The  enemy  has  evacuated  Dranesville. 

I  had  the  pleasure  to  send  by  return  courier  to  Major 
Mosby  his  commission  of  major  of  Partisan  Rangers,  for 
which  I  am  obliged  to  your  Excellency. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.   E.   LEE, 

General. 

His  EXCELLENCY  JEFFERSON  DAVIS, 

President  Confederate  States  of  America,  Richmond,  Va. 


HEADQUARTERS,  STAHEL'S  CAVALRY  DIVISION, 
FAIRFAX  COURT  HOUSE,  VA., 

April  2,  1863. 

GENERAL  :  —  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  re 
port,  which  is,  however,  made  up  from  verbal  information 
received  from  Col.  Price,  Lieutenant- Colonel  Johnstone,  and 
Major  Taggart.  I  will  forward  the  written  report  as  soon 
as  it  is  received,  and  shall  take  all  possible  means  to  ascer 
tain  the  true  state  of  the  case.  It  appears  that  on  the 
evening  of  the  3ist  ultimo,  Major  Taggart,  at  Union  Church, 
2  miles  above  Peach  Grove,  received  information  that 
Mosby,  with  about  65  men,  was  near  Dranesville.  He 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  n$ 

immediately  despatched  Captain  Flint,  with  150  men  of  the 
First  Vermont,  to  rout  or  capture  Mosby  and  his  force.  Cap 
tain  Flint  followed  the  Leesburg  and  Alexandria  road  to  the 
road  which  branches  off  to  the  right,  just  this  side  of  Broad 
Run.  Turning  to  the  right,  they  followed  up  the  Broad 
Run  toward  the  Potomac,  to  a  place  marked  "J.  Mesed" 
[Miskel].  Here,  at  a  house,  they  came  on  to  Mosby,  who 
was  completely  surprised  and  wholly  unprepared  for  an  at 
tack  from  our  forces.  Had  a  proper  disposition  been  made 
of  our  troops,  Mosby  could  not,  by  any  possible  means, 
have  escaped.  It  seems  that  around  this  house  was  a  high 
board  fence  and  a  stone  wall,  between  which  and  the  road 
was  also  another  fence  and  ordinary  farm  gate.  Captain 
Flint  took  his  men  through  the  gate,  and,  at  a  distance  from 
the  house,  fired  a  volley  at  Mosby  and  his  men,  who  were 
assembled  about  the  house,  doing  but  slight  damage  to 
them.  He  then  ordered  a  sabre  charge,  which  was  also 
ineffectual,  on  account  of  the  fence  which  intervened. 
Mosby  waited  until  the  men  were  checked  by  the  fence, 
and  then  opened  his  fire  upon  them,  killing  and  wounding 
several.  The  men  here  became  panic-stricken,  and  fled 
precipitately  toward  this  gate,  through  which  to  make  their 
escape.  The  opening  was  small,  and  they  got  wedged 
together,  and  a  fearful  state  of  confusion  followed ;  while 
Mosby's  men  followed  them  up,  and  poured  into  the  crowd 
a  severe  fire.  Here,  while  endeavoring  to  rally  his  men, 
Captain  Flint  was  killed,  and  Lieutenant  Grout,  of  the  same 
company,  mortally  wounded  (will  probably  die  to-day). 
Mosby's  men  followed  in  pursuit,  and  sabred  several  of 
our  men  on  the  road.  Mosby,  during  his  pursuit,  is  sup 
posed  to  have  received  a  sabre  wound  across  the  face  which 


H4  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

unhorsed  him.  The  rebels  took  some  prisoners,  and  a 
number  of  horses,  and  fell  back  in  great  haste.  In  compari 
son  to  the  number  engaged,  our  loss  was  very  heavy.  As 
soon  as  Major  Taggart  received  the  report,  he  sent  Major 
Hall  in  pursuit  of  Mosby,  and  to  bring  in  our  killed  and 
wounded.  Upon  receiving  the  first  intelligence,  I  immedi 
ately  sent  out  Colonel  Price  with  a  detachment  of  the  Sixth 
and  Seventh  Michigan  and  First  Virginia  [Union]  Cavalry, 
who  searched  in  every  direction ;  but  no  trace  could  be 
found  of  Mosby  or  his  men,  as  information  reached  me  too 
late. 

I  regret  to  be  obliged  to  inform  the  commanding  general 
that  the  forces  sent  out  by  Major  Taggart  missed  so  good  an 
opportunity  of  capturing  this  rebel  guerilla.  It  is  only  to  be 
ascribed  to  the  bad  management  on  the  part  of  the  officers 
and  the  cowardice  of  the  men.  I  have  ordered  Colonel 
Price  to  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  this  matter,  and 
shall  recommend  those  officers  who  are  guilty  to  be  stricken 
from  the  rolls. 

The  list  of  killed  and  wounded  will  be  forwarded  as  soon 
as  received. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  your  obedient  servant, 

JUL.  STAHEL, 

Major-  General. 
MAJ.  GEN.  S.  P.  HEINTZELMAN, 

Commanding,  &c. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES.  1x5 


CHAPTER  IX. 

"  And  thou,  Dalhousie,  thou  great  god  of  war, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  to  the  Earl  of  Mar."  —  Waller. 

\  T  THAT  in  the  newspaper  slang  of  the  day  were 
*  *  termed  "the  depredations  of  guerillas,"  in 
the  vicinity  of  Washington,  induced  the  authorities 
there  to  make  a  change  in  outpost  commanders. 
Wyndham,  having  played  an  unsuccessful  game  for 
over  two  months,  during  which  time  his  headquar 
ters  had  been  raided,  and  his  coat  and  hat  carried 
off  by  us  in  his  absence,  had  given  it  up  in  despair, 
and  been  sent  to  join  his  regiment  at  the  front. 
The  new  person  selected  for  the  position  was  a  ma 
jor-general  in  the  army,  and  a  whiskered  pandour, 
whose  experience  in  foreign  wars,  it  was  hoped, 
would  devise  a  remedy  to  suppress  these  annoy 
ances.  As  soon  as  he  took  command,  the  cavalry 
camps  in  Fairfax  resounded  with  the  busy  notes  of 
preparation  for  a  grand  expedition,  which  he  had  re 
solved  to  undertake  against  us.  It  could  no  longer 
be  endured  that  the  war  should  be  waged  in  full 
view  of  the  dome  of  the  Capitol,  and  the  outposts 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

could  not  stand  the  wear  and  tear  of  a  perpetual 
skirmish,  and  the  worry  of  lying  awake  all  night 
waiting  for  an  invisible  foe  to  come  and  kill  or  cap 
ture  them. 

The  spring  campaign  was  about  to  open,  and  if 
the  hostile  band  that  created  this  trouble  could  be 
exterminated,  the  cavalry  division,  then  doing  duty 
in  Fairfax,  might  be  thrown  forward  to  the  Rappa- 
hannock  to  aid  Hooker's  operations.  The  Major- 
General  was  firmly  persuaded,  as  no  one  had  ever 
seen  our  camp,  that  the  so-called  guerillas  were  no 
body  but  the  country  farmers,  who  collected  together 
at  night  to  make  their  incursions,  and  dispersed  by 
day  to  take  care  of  their  fields  and  flocks.  The 
fights  at  Chantilly  and  Dranesville  ought  to  have 
convinced  him  that  the  men  who  had  routed  his 
best  regiments  had  some  training  in  war,  and  were 
no  such  irregular  band  as  he  imagined.  It  is  true 
that,  after  I  began  operations  in  that  region,  many 
took  up  arms  and  joined  me,  who  up  to  that  time 
had  followed  peaceful  pursuits.  But  whenever  a 
citizen  joined  me  and  became  a  soldier,  he  discarded 
the  habiliments  of  peace,  put  on  his  arms  and  uni 
form,  and  laid  aside  every  other  occupation. 

When  the  struggle  was  over,  they  relapsed  into 
the  habits  of  their  former  life,  and  like  the  Puritan 
soldiers  of  Cromwell,  became  as  marked  for 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  nj 

tion  to  their  civil  duties  as  they  had  ever  been  in 
war.  As  for  myself,  it  was  for  a  long  time  main 
tained  that  I  was  a  pure  myth,  and  my  personal 
identity  was  as  stoutly  denied  as  that  of  Homer  or 
the  Devil.  All  historic  doubts  about  my  own  exist 
ence  have,  I  believe,  been  settled ;  but  the  fables 
published  by  the  Bohemians  who  followed  the  army 
made  an  impression  that  still  lives  in  popular  recol 
lection. 

There  is  a  lingering  belief  that  my  command 
was  not  a  part  of  the  regularly  organized  military 
force  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The  theory  of 
the  Major-General,  though  contradicted  by  facts 
staring  him  in  the  face  every  day,  got  a  lodgement 
in  the  minds  of  some  people  which  has  never  been 
effaced.  It  was  to  confirm  it  that  he  now  undertook 
to  make  a  reconnoissance  through  the  region  infested 
by  us.  It  happened  that  just  at  that  time  Hooker 
was  preparing  once  more  to  cross  the  Rappahannock, 
and  as  a  preliminary  movement  had  sent  Stoneman 
with  the  cavalry  corps  up  the  river  to  seize  the  Orange 
and  Alexandria  railroad  and  hold  it  as  the  line  of 
communication  with  Washington.  The  line  that 
connects  an  army  with  its  base  of  supplies  is  the  heel 
of  Achilles  —  its  most  vital  and  vulnerable  point. 
It  is  a  great  achievement  in  war  to  compel  an  enemy 
to  make  heavy  detachments  to  guard  it ;  it  is  equally 


H8  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

as  great  a  one  to  destroy  the  force  that  threatens  it. 
It  was  to  effect  this  latter  object  that  in  April,  1863, 
the  Major-General  set  out  on  his  expedition  against 
me  with  two  brigades  of  cavalry  and  a  battery  of 
artillery,  which  was  to  be  the  prelude  of  the  opening 
of  the  campaign  on  the  Rappahannock.  Now  it  so 
happened  that  just  about  that  time  I  received  a  letter 
from  Stuart  suggesting  the  capture  of  a  train  on  the 
railroad.  The  effect  of  such  a  stroke  of  course  would 
be  to  create  uneasiness  and  alarm  about  the  safety  of 
Hooker's  supplies. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Stuart's  letter: 
"There  is  now  a  splendid  opportunity  to  strike  the 
enemy  in  the  rear  of  Warrenton  Junction ;  the  trains 
are  running  regularly  to  that  point.  Capture  a  train 
and  interrupt  the  operation  of  the  railroad,  though  it 
may  be,  by  the  time  you  get  this,  the  opportunity 
may  be  gone.  Stoneman's  main  body  of  cavalry  is 
located  near  Warrenton  Junction,  Bealton  and  War 
renton  Springs.  Keep  far  enough  away  from  a 
brigade  camp  to  give  you  time  to  get  off  your  plunder 
and  prisoners.  Information  of  the  movements  of 
large  bodies  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  us  just 
now.  The  marching  or  transportation  of  divisions 
will  often  indicate  the  plan  of  a  campaign.  Be  sure 
to  give  dates  and  numbers  and  names,  as  far  as 
possible." 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

I  could  offer  no  better  proof  than  this  letter  of  the 
useful  services  that  may  be  rendered  by  an  active 
partisan  corps  in  co-operation  with  the  movements  of 
an  army.  It  not  only  cripples  an  adversary,  but 
communicates  intelligence  of  his  movements.  Ac 
cordingly  I  gave  notice  for  a  meeting  at  Upperville 
to  undertake  an  enterprise  against  the  railroad.  I 
was  willing  to  let  the  Union  troops  down  in  Fairfax 
rest  while  I  turned  my  attention  to  Joe  Hooker. 
On  the  evening  of  the  day  before  the  meeting  I  had 
been  with  Beattie  up  to  the  mountain  to  get  a  fresh 
horse  to  ride  on  the  raid,  and  we  returned  about  dark. 
I  met  a  citizen,  who  informed  me  that  a  large  Federal 
force  was  camped  at  Middleburg,  and  that  there  had 
been  artillery  firing  there  during  the  afternoon.  I 
thought  it  was  merely  a  false  report  that  had  gotten 
up  a  stampede,  for  I  had  not  heard  the  firing,  and  I 
could  not  conceive  what  they  could  have  been  firing 
at,  as  we  had  no  troops  about  there.  I  supposed  that 
if  they  had  come  after  me  they  would  have  tried  to 
keep  it  a  secret  and  make  as  little  noise  as  possible. 

About  nine  o'clock  that  night  Beattie  and  I  rode 
down  in  the  direction  of  Middleburg  to  find  out  if 
there  was  any  truth  in  the  rumor.  When  we  got  on 
a  high  hill,  about  a  mile  off,  that  overlooks  the  town, 
we  stopped  to  reconnoitre.  The  night  was  very  cold, 
with  a  drizzling  rain.  Not  a  single  camp-fire  could 


120  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

be  seen  anywhere ;  and  there  was  nothing  to  indicate 
the  bivouacs  of  a  military  force.  I  said  to  Beattie  : 
"This  is  just  as  I  said — nothing  but  a  stampede 
about  nothing.  If  there  were  any  troops  about  there, 
they  would  have  camp-fires  on  such  a  cold  night  as 
this."  We  then  rode  forward,  but  had  only  gone  a 
few  hundred  yards  farther  when  we  were  halted  and 
fired  on  by  a  picket.  This,  of  course,  proved  that 
the  rumor  was  true. 

We  fell  back.  But  it  was  a  mystery  I  could  not 
solve,  why  there  should  be  an  encampment  of  troops 
in  such  weather  without  fires.  Then,  too,  there  had 
been  artillery  firing ;  what  could  possibly  have  been 
the  reason  for  that?  The  next  morning  I  went,  ac 
cording  to  appointment,  to  meet  my  men  at  Upper- 
ville,  having  sent  out  some  scouts  toward  Middle- 
burg,  which  is  eight  miles  distant.  My  desire  was 
to  let  the  Union  cavalry  alone  at  Middleburg  and 
strike  the  meditated  blow  at  Hooker,  on  the  railroad. 
The  force  that  had  come  up  from  Fairfax  after  me 
had  now  been  practically  eliminated  from  the  cam 
paign.  I  wanted,  therefore,  if  possible,  to  slip  away 
from  them  undiscovered.  Early  that  morning  the 
Major-General  put  his  column  in  motion  on  the  pike 
for  Upperville;  but  he  had  only  gone  a  couple  of 
miles  before  his  advance-guard  was  driven  in  by 
Tom  Richards  and  a  few  men.  This  caused  him  to 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES  I2I 

halt  and  get  ready  for  action.  On  the  day  before, 
on  his  march  up  the  turnpike,  he  had  seen  horsemen 
on  the  hills  watching  him,  who,  like  the  Arab  when 
he  folds  his  tent,  had  silently  stolen  away. 

On  reaching  Middleburg,  the  clouds  seemed  to 
thicken  around  him  ;  for  he  had  seen  at  least  a  dozen 
perched  on  the  heights  at  different  places  gazing  at 
him.  They  were  evidently  ready  to  light  down  on 
any  stragglers,  and  bear  them  off  in  their  talons. 
The  Major-General  unlimbered  his  guns,  and  opened 
fire  on  every  moving  object  in  his  sight.  He  did  no 
damage  to  anybody ;  but  his  firing  gave  notice  for 
miles  around  to  people  to  get  out  of  his  way.  There 
was  a  large  grove  near  Middleburg,  in  which  he  pro 
posed  to  bivouac  that  night.  But  before  entering  it, 
he  shelled  it  so  effectively  as  not  only  to  expel  any 
guerillas  that  might  be  lurking  there,  but  all  ani 
mated  nature.  He  carried  along  a  newspaper  cor 
respondent  to  chronicle  his  exploits.  His  letter, 
published  in  the  New  York  Tribitne  shortly  after 
that,  made  clear  a  number  of  things  which  I  had  not 
been  able  to  understand  before  reading  it.  It  praised 
his  consummate  skill  and  prudence  in  allowing  no 
camp-fires  during  the  night,  as  they  would  have 
lighted  the  way  for  the  guerillas  to  attack  him ; 
while  the  destructive  artillery  fire  with  which  he 
had  raked  the  forest  showed  that  he  possessed  the 


122  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

foresight  of  a  great  general.  It  was  also  stated  that 
he  would  only  permit  one  half  of  his  command  to 
sleep  at  a  time  or  unbridle  and  unsaddle  their 
horses.  With  unconscious  irony  the  letter  concluded 
by  stating  that  the  result  of  the  expedition  had 
demonstrated  that  Mosby  hadn't  over  twenty-five 
men,  who  had  been  totally  exterminated.  After 
remaining  in  line  of  battle  for  some  time,  waiting 
for  me  to  attack  him,  the  Major-General  determined 
not  to  advance  any  farther  toward  Upperville,  which 
lies  just  at  the  base  of  the  Blue  Ridge. 

It  was  surmised  that  the  guerillas,  like  the  Cy 
clops,  had  taken  refuge  in  caves  on  the  mountain 
side,  and  there  might  be  danger  in  approaching  too 
closely,  so  he  turned  squarely  off  to  his  left.  On 
his  line  of  march  he  had  swept  the  country  of  all 
the  old  men  he  could  find,  for  he  was  firmly  per 
suaded  that  in  doing  so  he  was  breaking  up  my 
band.  No  plea  in  defence  would  be  heard.  A  man 
named  Hutchison,  who  was  70  years  old,  and  had 
always  used  crutches,  was  among  the  prisoners.  In 
vain  he  pleaded  his  age  and  infirmities  as  proof  of 
the  impossibility  of  his  being  a  guerilla.  A  Ver 
mont  soldier  stepped  forward,  and  swore  that  he 
saw  him  leading  the  charge  in  the  fight  at  Miskel's 
farm.  He  was  sent  to  Washington  as  a  trophy. 
The  captives  under  guard  marched  in  the  rear  of 
the  column. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  12$ 

About  eighty  men  had  met  me  at  Upperville.  In 
order  to  elude  the  Major-General,  and  execute  my 
plan  of  capturing  a  train  on  the  railroad,  I  made  a 
detour  by  Salem,  going  on  toward  Thoroughfare  Gap 
in  the  Bull  Run  Mountains.  The  Major-General 
and  myself,  being  ignorant  of  each  other's  plans, 
had  also  gone  the  same  way,  in  order  to  avoid  meet 
ing  the  force  that  had  driven  in  his  advance  from 
Upperville.  Somehow  he  had  got  the  idea  in  his 
head  that  a  large  body  of  Stuart's  cavalry  was  in 
the  neighborhood,  and  he  was  not  looking  for  them. 
An  hour  or  so  after  I  had  passed  through  Salem, 
the  Major-General  arrived  there.  He  had  started  to 
return  to  Fairfax  by  making  a  circuit  around  through 
Thoroughfare  Gap.  Without  any  design  on  his  part, 
he  had  struck  right  on  my  track.  As  I  was  march 
ing  very  leisurely,  —  for  I  did  not  want  to  get  to 
the  railroad  until  about  dark,  —  he  might  easily  have 
overtaken  me ;  but  he  did  not  seem  to  have  the 
least  desire  to  do  so.  He  followed  me  at  the  rate 
of  half  a  mile  an  hour.  Having  got  all  the  old 
farmers  prisoners,  the  measure  of  his  ambition  was 
full.  He  had  at  last  destroyed  the  nest  of  vipers. 
He  did  not  believe  the  body  of  cavalry  that  had 
gone  on  ahead  were  the  very  men  he  pretended  to 
be  looking  for. 

Just  as  I  reached  Thoroughfare  Gap,  two  of  my 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

men — Alfred  Glasscock  and  Norman  Smith  —  came 
galloping  up,  and  said  that  the  enemy  was  pursuing 
me.  They  had,  for  some  reason,  remained  behind 
at  Salem,  and  saw  the  Major-General's  command 
march  through  along  the  same  road  I  was  on.  As 
he  was  only  one  hour  behind  me  there,  I  felt  cer 
tain  that  he  was  almost  upon  me.  Some  four  miles 
back  of  where  I  was,  the  roads  forked  at  a  village 
called  the  Plains,  one  leading  to  Thoroughfare,  and 
the  other  to  Hopewell  Gap  in  the  Bull  Run  Moun 
tains.  I  immediately  wheeled  around,  and  crossed 
over  on  the  Hopewell  road  and  started  back  toward 
the  Plains.  I  supposed  the  Major-General  was  in 
pursuit  of  me,  and  as  I  could  not  undertake  with 
less  than  100  men  to  attack  in  front  4000  cavalry 
and  a  battery  of  artillery,  my  intention  was  to  try 
to  cut  off  his  rear-guard  before  it  passed  the  forks 
or  the  gap.  But  when  I  got  on  a  high  hill  over 
looking  the  Plains,  instead  of  meeting  his  rear-guard, 
when  I  rode  forward  to  reconnoitre,  I  saw  his  ad 
vance,  that  had  just  got  to  the  forks.  I  halted,  so 
did  they,  while  their  whole  column  rapidly  deployed 
in  line  of  battle,  and  the  guns  were  placed  in  bat 
tery,  ready  for  the  expected  onset. 

Every  disposition  was  made  by  him  to  receive  an 
attack.  We  stayed  there  facing  each  other  over  one 
hour,  until  it  grew  dark,  when  I  disbanded  my  men. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

I  had  abandoned  my  enterprise  against  the  railroad 
because  I  supposed  that  it  had  been  discovered 
where  I  was  going,  and  that  if  I  went  on,  with  the 
Major-General  behind  me  and  Stoneman's  cavalry  in 
front,  we  would  all  be  captured.  He  had  learned  at 
Salem  that  a  body  of  cavalry  had  passed  through  just 
ahead  of  him,  and  at  the  Plains  he  saw  that  they  had 
gone  on  the  Thoroughfare  road. 

After  giving  us,  as  he  supposed,  ample  time  to  get 
away,  he  started  on  the  same  route,  when,  with  sur 
prise,  he  saw  a  body  of  cavalry  threatening  him  on 
the  Hope  well  road.  He  had  no  idea  they  were  the 
same  cavalry  whose  track  he  was  on.  If  he  con 
tinued  his  line  of  march  he  must  go  through  one  of 
the  mountain  passes,  and  remembering  the  fate  of 
the  Persians  at  Thermopylae,  he  determined  now  to 
halt.  I  took  it  for  granted  that  he  had  stopped  to 
go  into  camp  at  the  Plains.  But  he,  not  knowing 
that  I  had  disbanded  my  command  and  fearing  a 
night  attack,  as  soon  as  it  became  dark  began  a 
retreat  back  toward  Middleburg.  Being  a  cautious 
general,  he  did  not  go  along  the  main  public  road, 
but  cut  across  fields  and  took  private  ways.  The 
bridges  across  every  stream  he  crossed  were  broken 
down  after  he  passed,  although  some  were  so  narrow 
that  a  man  could  jump  over  them,  and  trees  were 
felled  across  the  road  to  prevent  us  from  charging 
his  rear.  After  marching  all  night  he  reached  the 


126  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

vicinity  of  Middleburg  about  daybreak  and  went  into 
camp.  He  had  no  idea  that  I  had  disbanded  my 
men  and  gone  off,  but  thought  he  had  eluded  us. 
Now,  it  had  never  entered  my  head  that  he  was 
going  to  run  away  from  me.  Beattie  and  I  had 
ridden  on  the  same  night  over  near  Middleburg,  and 
I  stopped  at  the  house  of  George  McArty.  About 
daybreak  he  came  running  to  where  we  were  sleep 
ing  and  called  out  to  us  :  "Boys  !  get  up  quick  —  the 
Yankees  are  all  around  you."  We  jumped  up,  and 
two  or  three  hundred  yards  away  we  could  see  the 
field  was  blue  with  the  Major-General's  command. 
We  bridled  and  saddled  our  horses  quickly  and  rode 
off  unmolested  in  full  view  of  them.  The  Major- 
General  and  I  had  been  running  away  from  each 
other  a  whole  day  and  night,  and  then  came  very 
near  sleeping  together.  After  taking  a  short  rest 
from  the  fatigue  of  his  night  march,  he  started  back 
to  Fairfax  with  the  battalion  of  graybeards  he  had 
taken  prisoners,  riding  bareback  with  blind  bridles 
on  broken-down  plow-horses.  They  were  marched 
down  to  Washington  and  paraded  through  the  streets 
to  gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  people.  They  created 
a  greater  sensation  than  a  circus.  Such  was  the 
grand  anti-climax  to  the  Major-General's  Anabasis. 
It  is  so  unique  and  complete  in  itself  that  I  will  not 
mar  its  epic  unity  by  adding  anything  more  to  the 
narrative. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


127 


PROVOST-MARSHAL'S  OFFICE,  FAIRFAX  COURT  HOUSE,  VA., 

March  9,  1863,  3.30  A.M. 

Capt.  Mosby,  with  his  command,  entered  this  town  this 
morning  at  2  A.M.  They  captured  my  patrols,  horses,  &c. 
They  took  Brigadier-  General  Stoughton  and  horses,  and  all 
his  men  detached  from  his  brigade.  They  took  every  horse 
that  could  be  found,  public  and  private  ;  and  the  com 
manding  officer  of  the  post,  Colonel  Johnstone,  of  the  Fifth 
New  York  Cavalry,  made  his  escape  from  them  in  a  nude 
state  by  accident.  They  searched  for  me  in  every  direc 
tion,  but  being  on  the  Vienna  road  visiting  outposts,  I  made 
my  escape.  L.  L.  CONNOR,  Provost-  Marshal. 

P.  S.  All  our  available  cavalry  forces  are  in  pursuit  of 
them.  MAJ.  HUNT,  Asst.  Adjt.  Gen. 

GENERAL  HEINTZELMAN'S  HEADQUARTERS. 


Genl.  Stahel's  report  to  War  Dept.  says:  "On  the 
day  of  March,  1863,  the  day  after  General  Stoughton  was 
captured  at  Fairfax  C.  H.,  I  was  on  my  way  from  Stafford 
Court  House  to  New  York,  on  eight  days'  leave  of  absence. 
Upon  my  arrival  in  Washington,  I  was  summoned  to  report 
at  once  to  President  Lincoln.  He  told  me  of  the  capture 
of  Genl.  Stoughton  and  the  insecure  condition  of  our  lines 
in  front  of  Washington.  The  President  also  said  that  he 
desired  to  have  me  in  command  in  front  of  Washington  to 
put  a  stop  to  these  raids.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  Gen.  Heint- 
zelman,  comdg.  the  Dept.  of  Washington,  and  directed  me 
to  go  and  see  him.  ...  On  the  same  day,  the  iyth  of 
March,  I  was  appointed  Major-  General  of  Volunteers,  to 
take  date  from  the  i4th  of  March,  1863." 

Gen.  Stahel  was  relieved  of  his  cavalry  command  on  June 
28th,  1863. 


128  MOSBY' S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

HEQRS.  STAHEL'S  CAV.  Div.,  DEPT.  OF  WASHINGTON, 
FAIRFAX  COURT  HOUSE,  April  n,  1863. 

GENERAL  :  —  I  have  the  honor  to  report  with  regard  to 
the  reconnoissance  under  command  of  Brig.-Gen.  J.  F_ 
Copeland,  which  left  this  place  on  the  3d  day  of  April, 
and  returned  here  early  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  instant, 
that  it  proceeded  as  far  as  Middleburg,  and  searched  dili 
gently  through  that  whole  section  of  country  without  meet 
ing  any  enemy  in  force  or  ascertaining  definitely  the  where 
abouts  of  Mosby.  Small  detachments  of  rebels,  however, 
were  occasionally  seen,  but  scattered  on  the  approach  of 
our  troops. 

On  the  4th  instant,  early  in  the  morning,  in  front  of 
Middleburg,  a  collision  occurred  between  one  of  his  pickets 
and  some  of  the  enemy's,  resulting  in  the  death  of  one  and 
the  wounding  of  another  on  each  side.  During  the  expe 
dition  there  were  captured  and  arrested  sixty-one  prisoners, 
citizens  and  soldiers,  fifty-three  horses,  two  mules,  a  quantity 
of  wheat,  three  wagons,  saddles,  bridles,  guns,  sabres,  &c., 
all  of  which  were  turned  over  to  the  provost-marshal  of 
this  place,  and  by  him  to  Colonel  Baker  Washington,  a  copy 
of  whose  receipt  is  inclosed  within.  .  .  .  &c. 

JUL.  STAHEL, 

Major-  General. 
MAJ.-GEN.  S.  P.  HEINTZELMAN, 
Commanding,  <§ry. 

There  is  .no  report  on  file  of  Major- General  Stahel's  ex 
pedition  about  two  weeks  after  this  in  search  of  Mosby. 


MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  X. 

*Our  acts  our  angels  are  —  or  good  or  ill, 
Our  fatal  shadows  that  walk  by  us  still." 

IF  I  had  known  at  the  time  of  the  major-general's 
expedition  to  Fauquier  all  that  I  know  now,  I 
would  not,  of  course,  have  abandoned  the  enterprise 
against  the  railroad.  I  had  thought  that  after  he 
struck  my  track  at  Salem,  he  was  really  in  pursuit 
of  me,  although  he  only  followed  at  a  terrapin's 
pace.  I  could  not  have  anticipated  that  a  major- 
general,  starting  out  to  win  his  spurs,  would  retreat 
as  soon  as  he  got  in  sight  of  the  object  he  was  in 
search  of.  I  had  disbanded  my  men,  with  instruc 
tions  to  meet  me  again  in  a  few  days  at  a  certain 
place.  I  wanted  to  give  the  major-general  time  to 
get  home,  while  I  could  recruit  my  forces,  pick  my 
flint,  and  try  again.  As  the  troops  that  belonged 
to  the  defences  of  Washington  were  now  on  the 
defensive,  it  was  my  policy  to  let  them  alone,  and 
turn  my  attention  to  Hooker's  army,  which  was  then 
preparing  to  cross  the  Rappahannock.  I  could  most 
efficiently  aid  Gen.  Lee  by  assailing  Hooker  in  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

rear.  A  partisan  commander  who  acts  in  co-opera 
tion  with  an  army  should  always,  if  possible,  oper* 
ate  against  troops  engaged  in  offensive  movements. 
The  Major-General  was  now  resting  on  his  laurels. 
For  two  months  preceding  his  raid  into  Fauquier, 
there  had  been  incessant  attacks  on  the  outposts, 
and  daily  alarm  through  the  camps.  All  this  had 
now  suddenly  ceased,  and  the  quiet  that  reigned  was 
supposed  to  confirm  the  truth  of  the  report  of  the 
annihilation  of  my  band. 

On  May  2,  70  or  80  men  assembled  at  my  call. 
I  had  information  that  Stoneman's  cavalry  had  left 
Warrenton  and  gone  south,  which  indicated  that 
the  campaign  had  opened.  My  plan  now  was  to 
strike  Hooker.  The  moral  effect  of  a  blow  from 
behind  might  have  an  important  influence  on  the 
result.  I  started  for  Warrenton,  and  reached  there 
about  dusk,  and  learned  that  Stoneman  was  over 
the  river.  It  was  not  known  whether  or  not  the 
Orange  &  Alexandria  railroad  was  still  held  by  the 
Union  troops.  I  went  into  camp  near  the  town  that 
night,  and  started  by  daylight  the  next  morning  on 
the  road  leading  to  Fredericksburg,  which  crosses 
the  railroad.  I  was  sure  that  Hooker  would  not 
repeat  the  blunder  of  Burnside,  but  would  cross 
at  some  of  the  upper  fords  of  the  Rappahannock. 
It  was  toward  one  of  these  that  my  course  was 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  i$i 

directed.  The  roar  of  the  guns  at  Chancellorsville 
could  be  distinctly  heard,  and  we  knew  that  the  two 
armies  were  once  more  in  the  deadly  embrace  of 
battle. 

It  was  not  more  than  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  off ; 
and  we  could  easily  reach  there  early  in  the  day.  I 
wanted  to  contribute  my  mite  of  support  to  the 
Southern  cause.  When  we  were  within  a  couple  of 
miles  of  the  railroad  a  bugle  was  heard  ;  and  I  turned 
aside  and  marched  to  the  sound.  I  thought  it  must 
come  from  a  cavalry  camp,  which  we  might  sweep 
through  as  we  went  along.  Before  we  had  gone 
very  far,  an  infantry  soldier  was  caught,  who  in 
formed  me  that  I  was  marching  right  into  the  camp 
of  an  infantry  brigade.  I  found  out  that  there  was 
some  cavalry  on  the  railroad  at  another  point,  and  so 
I  made  for  that.  These  troops  had  just  been  sent 
up  to  replace  Stoneman's.  I  committed  a  great 
error  in  allowing  myself  to  be  diverted  by  their 
presence  from  the  purpose  of  my  expedition.  They 
were  perfectly  harmless  where  they  were,  and  could 
not  help  Hooker  in  the  great  battle  then  raging.  I 
should,  at  least,  have  endeavored  to  avoid  a  fight  by 
marching  around  them.  If  I  had  succeeded  in  de 
stroying  them  all,  it  would  hardly  have  been  the  equiv 
alent  of  the  damage  I  might  have  done  to  Hooker 
by  appearing  at  United  States  ford  during  the  agony 


J32  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

of  the  fight.  There  all  of  his  wagons  were  packed 
It  would  be  difficult  to  calculate  the  demoralizing 
effect  of  the  news  on  his  army  that  the  enemy  was 
In  their  rear,  and  their  trains  and  rations  were 
burning  up. 

Just  as  we  debouched  from  the  woods  in  sight  of 
Warrenton  Junction,  I  saw,  about  300  yards  in  front 
of  us,  a  body  of  cavalry  in  the  open  field.  It  was  a 
bright,  warm  morning;  and  the  men  were  lounging 
on  the  grass,  while  their  horses,  with  nothing  but 
their  halters  on,  had  been  turned  loose  to  graze  on 
the  young  clover.  They  were  enjoying  the  music  of 
the  great  battle,  and  had  no  dream  that  danger  was 
near.  Not  a  single  patrol  or  picket  had  been  put 
out.  At  first  they  mistook  us  for  their  own  men, 
and  had  no  suspicion  as  to  who  we  were  until  I 
ordered  a  charge  and  the  men  raised  a  yell.  The 
shouting  and  firing  stampeded  the  horses,  and  they 
scattered  over  a  field  of  several  hundred  acres,  while 
their  riders  took  shelter  in  some  houses  near  by. 
We  very  soon  got  all  out  of  two  houses ;  but  the 
main  body  took  refuge  in  a  large  frame  building 
just  by  the  railroad.  I  did  not  take  time  to  dis 
mount  my  men,  but  ordered  a  charge  on  the  house ; 
I  did  not  want  to  give  them  time  to  recover  from 
their  panic.  I  came  up  just  in  front  of  two  windows 
by  the  chimney,  from  which  a  hot  fire  was  poured 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


133 


that  brought  down  several  men  by  my  side.  But  I 
paid  them  back  with  interest  when  I  got  to  the 
window,  into  which  I  emptied  two  Colt's  revolvers. 
The  house  was  as  densely  packed  as  a  sardine  box ; 
and  it  was  almost  impossible  to  fire  into  it  without 
hitting  somebody.  The  doors  had  been  shut  from 
the  inside ;  but  the  Rev.  Sam  Chapman  dismounted, 
and  burst  through,  followed  by  John  Debutts,  Mount- 
joy,  and  Harry  Sweeting.  The  soldiers  in  the  lower 
rooms  immediately  surrendered ;  but  those  above 
held  out.  There  was  a  haystack  near  by;  and  I 
ordered  some  of  the  hay  to  be  brought  into  the 
house  and  fire  to  be  set  to  it.  Not  being  willing  to 
be  burned  alive  as  martyrs  to  the  Union,  the  men 
above  now  held  out  a  white  flag  from  a  window. 
The  house  was  densely  filled  with  smoke  and  the 
floor  covered  with  the  blood  of  the  wounded.  The 
commanding  officer,  Maj.  Steel,  had  received  a  mortal 
wound ;  and  there  were  many  others  in  the  same 
condition.  All  who  were  able  now  came  out  of  the 
house. 

After  a  severe  fight,  I  had  taken  three  times  my 
own  number  prisoners,  together  with  all  their  horses, 
arms  and  equipments.  Most  of  my  men  then  dis 
persed  over  the  field  in  pursuit  of  the  frightened 
horses  which  had  run  away.  I  was  sitting  on  my 
horse  near  the  house,  giving  directions  for  getting 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

ready  to  leave  with  the  prisoners  and  spoil,  when  one 
of  my  men,  named  Wild,  who  had  chased  a  horse 
some  distance  down  the  railroad,  came  at  full  speed, 
and  reported  a  heavy  column  of  cavalry  coming  up. 
I  turned  to  one  of  my  men,  Alfred  Glasscock,  and 
said  to  him,  "Now  we  will  whip  them"  I  had  hardly 
spoken  the  words  when  I  saw  a  large  body  of  Union 
cavalry,  not  over  200  or  300  yards  off,  rapidly  ad 
vancing. 

As  I  have  stated,  most  of  my  command  had  scat 
tered  over  the  field,  and  the  enemy  was  so  close  there 
was  no  time  to  rally  and  re-form  before  they  got  upon 
us.  In  attempting  to  do  so,  I  remained  on  the 
ground  until  they  were  within  50  yards  of  me,  and 
was  nearly  captured.  So  there  was  nothing  to  do 
but  for  every  man  to  take  care  of  himself.  I  have 
already  described  the  kind  of  command  I  had  at  this 
time.  They  were  a  mere  aggregation  of  men  casually 
gathered,  belonging  to  many  different  regiments, 
who  happened  to  be  in  the  country.1  Of  course, 
such  a  body  has  none  of  the  cohesion  and  discipline 
that  springs  from  organization,  no  matter  how  brave 
the  men  may  be  individually.  Men  never  fought 
better  than  they  did  at  the  house,  while  the  defenders 
were  inspired  to  greater  resistance,  knowing  that 

1  I  had  no  subordinate  officer  to  help  me  in  command. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

relief  was  near.  We  had  defeated  and  captured  three 
times  our  own  number,  and  now  had  to  give  up  the 
fruits  of  victory,  and  in  turn  to  fly  to  prevent  capture. 
My  men  fled  in  every  direction,  taking  off  about  50 
horses  and  a  number  of  prisoners.  Only  one  of  my 
men  —  Templeman  —  was  killed,  but  I  lost  about  20 
captured,  nearly  all  of  whom  were  wounded.  Dick 
Moran  was  among  them.  I  never  made  a  better 
fight  than  this,  although  finally  compelled  to  retreat 
before  10  times  my  own  number. 

As  to  its  ulterior  effects,  it  was  about  the  same, 
as  I  shall  hereafter  show,  as  if  I  had  not  lost  what  I 
had  won.  The  cavalry  I  had  met  was  Deforests 
brigade,  that  had  come  up  the  night  before.  As  I 
have  said,  it  was  a  mistake  my  making  this  fight, 
even  if  I  had  been  completely  successful.  In  all 
probability,  it  saved  Hooker's  transportation,  just  as 
the  fight  of  the  Prussians  at  the  bridge  of  the  Dyle 
saved  Wellington,  although  they  were  beaten.  It 
detained  Grouchy  long  enough  to  keep  him  from 
Waterloo.  I  learned  wisdom  from  experience,  and 
after  that  always  looked  before  I  took  a  leap. 

When  I  ordered  the  charge  at  Warrenton  Junction, 
I  had  no  idea  whether  I  was  attacking  a  hundred  or 
a  thousand  men. 

Just  one  year  after  that,  I  started  with  the  pur 
pose  of  attacking  the  rear  of  the  army  of  the  Poto- 


MOS3VS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

mac,  at  the  same  place  where  I  had  intended  to 
strike  Hooker.  I  found  the  railroad  guarded,  but 
I  crossed  it  unnoticed  in  the  dark,  and  went  on. 
Lee  and  Grant  had  met  in  the  Wilderness.  Grant 
had  all  of  his  transportation  south  of  the  river,  with 
cavalry  pickets  at  the  United  States  ford.  There 
was  no  chance  to  get  at  it.  Hooker  had  left  his 
on  the  north  bank  where  I  was.  I  got  one  of 
Grant's  trains  near  Aquia  Creek,  on  the  Lower  Poto 
mac  ;  but  when  I  returned,  a  few  days  after  that, 
to  get  another,  found  that  he  had  detached  a  cavalry 
force  to  protect  that  route.  This  was  what  I  wanted 
to  make  him  do.  It  was  that  number  of  men  sub 
tracted  from  his  strength.  After  striking  one  blow 
at  the  line  of  supply  of  an  army,  a  demonstration 
will  generally  answer  all  the  purposes  of  an  attack. 
Hooker  did  not  stay  in  the  Wilderness  long  enough 
for  me  to  renew  my  attempt  to  get  at  his  trains. 
When,  after  my  rout,  I  appeared  at  Warrenton,  at 
tended  by  a  single  companion,  where  I  had  passed 
the  night  before  with  my  command,  I  was  appar 
ently  as  forlorn  as  Charles, 

After  dread  Pultowa's  day, 

When  fortune  left  the  royal  Swede. 

But  I  felt  no  discouragement.  My  faith  in  my  abil 
ity  to  create  a  command  and  continue  my  warfare 
on  the  border  was  still  as  unwavering  as  Francis 


MOSBY'S    WAR   REMINISCENCES. 


137 


Xavier's  when  he  left  the  Tagus,  to  plant  the  cross 
on  the  shores  of  Coromandel. 

The  enemy  held  the  railroads  as  far  south  as  the 
Rappahannock,  and  in  a  few  days  I  got  together 
30  or  40  men,  and  started  down  again  to  strike 
them  somewhere.  I  found  the  bridges  over  Broad 
Run  and  Kettle  Run  unguarded ;  we  set  fire  to  them 
and  left  them  in  a  blaze.  It  had  not  been  expected 
that  we  would  come  back  so  soon,  hence  their  want 
of  precaution  to  provide  for  their  safety.  While  the 
bridges  were  burning,  the  soldiers  who  had  been  put 
there  to  protect  them  were  dozing  in  their  tents 
not  a  mile  off.  In  a  few  days  I  again  went  as  far 
as  Dumfries,  but  could  find  no  assailable  point. 
The  trains  all  carried  strong  infantry  guards,  in 
addition  to  those  stationed  along  the  railroad.  I 
started  back  without  having  effected  anything,  and 
stopped  at  the  house  of  a  man  named  Lynn,  to  rest 
and  feed  our  horses.  As  we  were  far  inside  the 
enemy's  lines,  there  was  some  risk  in  this ;  but 
we  were  tired  and  hungry.  Our  horses  had  been 
unbitted,  and  were  eating  their  corn,  and  I  was  lying 
on  the  grass  asleep,  when  I  was  aroused  by  the  cry 
that  the  enemy  was  coming.  We  barely  had  time 
to  bridle  up  and  mount  before  they  were  upon  us. 
They  came  full  speed  on  our  trail,  and  were  strung 
out  for  a  long  distance  on  the  road.  This  was  my 


338  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

opportunity.  A  lieutenant  was  gallantly  leading 
them.  I  saved  myself  this  time  by  the  same  coun 
ter-stroke  that  a  few  weeks  before  had  rescued  me 
from  the  brink  of  ruin  in  the  fight  at  Miskel's  farm. 
We  did  not  wait  for  the  danger,  but  went  to  meet  it. 
There  was  a  gate  across  the  road,  between  us  and  the 
enemy,  which  I  ordered  to  be  opened.  We  dashed 
through,  and  in  the  moment  of  collision  the  lieuten 
ant  fell,  severely  wounded.  Several  others  in  the 
front  met  the  same  fate ;  they  had  drawn  sabres,  that 
hurt  nobody,  and  we  used  pistols.  Their  companions 
halted,  hesitated,  and  were  overpowered  before  sup 
port  could  come  up.  Some  turned  and  fled,  and  in 
doing  so  communicated  their  panic  to  those  in  their 
rear.  They  fled  pell-mell  back  toward  their  camp, 
leaving  their  dead  and  wounded  on  the  field  and  a 
number  of  prisoners  and  horses  in  our  hands.  I 
then  had,  in  turn,  to  get  away  quickly.  I  knew 
they  would  soon  return  with  reinforcements  ;  they 
did  come,  but  we  were  gone. 

In  returning,  we  crossed  the  railroad  within  a 
mile  of  Manassas,  and  in  full  view  of  the  troops 
there,  but  were  not  molested.  I  found  out  from 
this  raid  the  difficulty  of  making  any  impression 
with  my  small  command  on  the  force  guarding  the 
road.  I  could  keep  them  on  the  watch,  and  in  a 
state  of  anxiety  and  alarm ;  but,  while  this  might 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

satisfy  Stuart  and  Gen.  Lee,  the  men  on  whom  I 
had  to  depend  to  do  the  work  would  not  be  content 
with  such  results.  In  order  to  retain  them,  it  was 
necessary  for  me  to  stimulate  their  enthusiasm  with 
something  more  tangible.  War  to  them  was  not  an 
abstraction ;  it  meant  prisoners,  arms,  horses  and 
sutler's  stores  ;  remote  consequences  were  not 
much  considered.  So  I  sent  Beattie  with  a  letter 
to  explain  the  situation  to  Stuart,  in  which  I  said : 
"  If  you  will  let  me  have  a  mountain  howitzer,  I 
think  I  could  use  it  with  great  effect,  especially  on 
the  railroad  trains.  I  have  several  experienced 
artillerists  with  me.  The  effect  of  such  annoyance 
is  to  force  the  enemy  to  make  heavy  details  to  guard 
their  communications.  I  have  not  attacked  any  of 
their  railroad  trains,  because  I  have  no  ammunition 
for  my  carbines,  and  they  are  pretty  strongly 
guarded  with  infantry."  In  this  letter  I  suggested 
the  theory  on  which  my  warfare  was  conducted.  It 
would  not  only  draw  troops  from  the  front,  but 
prevent  those  doing  duty  on  the  railroad  and  around 
Washington  from  being  sent  to  Hooker  to  make  up 
his  losses  in  the  Wilderness.  These  operations  were 
erratic  simply  in  not  being  in  accordance  with  the 
fixed  rules  taught  by  the  academies  ;  but  in  all  that 
I  did  there  was  a  unity  of  purpose,  and  a  plan  which 
my  commanding  general  understood  and  approved. 


140 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


The  Confederate  drill  sergeants  could  see  no  use  in 
what  they  could  not  comprehend. 

In  reference  to  the  fight  at  Warrenton  Junction, 
Gen.  Abercrombie  reports  : 

"Between  the  hours  of  9  and  10  A.M.,  on  the 
morning  of  the  3d  ult.,  an  outpost  of  the  ist  Va. 
[Union]  Cavalry  at  Warrenton  Junction,  about  100 
men,  under  Lieut. -Col.  Krep's  command,  were  sur 
prised  and  attacked  by  Maj.  Mosby,  with  his  force 
of  about  125  [75]  men.  The  men  of  the  ist  Va. 
were  scattered  about  the  station,  their  horses  un 
saddled,  in  order  to  be  groomed  and  fed.  Mosby's 
force  came  in  upon  them  from  the  direction  of  War 
renton,  which  place  they  left  at  daylight.  Their 
front  rank  was  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  the  United 
States  [we  were  all  dressed  in  gray.  J.  S.  M.],  and 
they  were  supposed  to  be  a  force  of  Union  cavalry 
until  within  a  short  distance,  when  they  charged, 
and  surrounded  the  house  in  and  about  which  the 
ist  Va.  lay.  After  a  short  fight,  in  which  several 
of  the  rebels  were  killed  and  wounded,  the  men  of 
the  ist  Va.  for  the  most  part  surrendered,  and  about 
40  were  being  taken  towards  Warrenton  by  their 
captors,  when  a  detachment  of  70  men  of  the  5th 
N.  Y.  Cavalry,  which  was  camped  near  by,  under 
command  of  Maj.  Hammond,  came  up,  charged  upon 
the  rebels,  and  a  running  fight  ensued,  which  was 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^j 

continued  for  five  miles,  in  the  course  of  which  all 
the  prisoners  taken  by  Mosby  were  recaptured,  with 
the  exception  of  two." 

Major-General  Stahel  reports : 

"  Our  men  being  surprised  and  completely  sur 
rounded,  rallied  in  a  house  close  at  hand,  and  where 
a  sharp  fight  ensued.  Our  men  defended  them 
selves  as  long  as  their  ammunition  lasted,  notwith 
standing  the  Rebels  built  a  large  fire  about  the 
house,  of  hay  and  straw  and  brushwood ;  the  flames 
reached  the  house,  and  their  ammunition  being  en 
tirely  expended,  they  were  obliged  to  surrender." 
Maj.  Steele,  of  the  ist.  Va.,  was  mortally  wounded 
in  the  house. 


I42  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER   XL 

Quis  jam  fluctus,  quae  regio  in  terris  non  nostri  plena  laboris. 

—  ^Eneid. 

A  T  this  time  Gen.  Lee  was  making  the  prelimi- 
-^**  nary  movement  of  the  Gettysburg  campaign  up 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rappahannock,  while  Hooker 
moved  on  a  parallel  line  on  the  other.  Pleasanton's 
cavalry  corps  was  massed  on  the  river,  near  Rappa 
hannock  station,  about  fifty  miles  from  Washington, 
which  was  now  covered  by  Hooker's  army.  In  com 
pliance  with  my  request,  Stuart  sent  me  a  small 
mountain  howitzer  by  Beattie.  A  brigade  of  cavalry 
and  one  of  infantry  were  lying  between  Manassas 
and  Catlett's  station;  and  here  was  the  only  possible 
chance  of  reaching  the  railroad  without  being  discov 
ered.  On  May  29,  1863,  I  set  out  with  about  forty 
men,  and  my  little  gun,  to  strike  it  somewhere  be 
tween  these  points.  I  had  no  caisson  ;  but  carried 
fifteen  rounds  of  ammunition  in  the  limber-chest. 
The  enterprise  on  which  I  was  going,  when  judged 
by  the  common  standards  of  prudence,  appeared  not 
only  hazardous  but  foolhardy.  The  camps  of  the 
enemy  were  distributed  along  the  road  at  intervals  of 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


143 


one  or  two  miles,  with  patrols  continually  passing. 
Every  train  had  on  board  a  strong  infantry  guard. 
If  I  should  succeed  in  penetrating  their  lines  and 
making  a  capture,  it  could  not  be  done  without 
alarming  the  camps,  which  would  make  my  retreat 
difficult,  if  not  impossible.  But  I  thought  the  end 
justified  the  risk.  An  attack,  even  by  my  small 
band,  at  such  a  critical  time,  might  create  an  impor 
tant  diversion  in  favor  of  Gen.  Lee.  If  this  could 
be  done,  then  the  loss  of  the  gun,  and  even  of  my 
whole  command,  would  be  as  dust  in  the  balance 
against  the  advantage  of  it. 

We  bivouacked  that  night  in  the  pines  near  Cat- 
lett's,  and  were  awakened  in  the  morning  by  the 
reveille  in  the  Union  camps,  which  were  a  mile 
or  so  distant  on  either  side  of  us.  There  was  a 
narrow  pathway  through  the  pines,  along  which  we 
marched  until  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  rail 
road.  The  telegraph  wire  was  cut,  and  a  rail  suffi 
ciently  removed  to  allow  a  train  to  run  off  the  track. 
The  howitzer  was  in  charge  of  the  Rev.  Sam 
Chapman,  who  had  been  so  conspicuous  in  the 
fight  at  Miskel's ;  it  was  now  made  ready  for  ac 
tion.  All  of  us  were  under  cover,  with  one  man 
near  the  road  to  give  notice  of  an  approaching 
train.  We  had  not  waited  long  before  he  gave 
the  signal.  I  rode  forward,  and  saw  it  puffing 


144 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


along.  Chapman  rammed  down  a  charge  in  his 
gun ;  and  all  awaited  the  event  with  breathless 
interest.  I  was  in  fear  every  moment  of  a  patrol 
coming  on  the  road  who  might  give  the  alarm 
and  stop  the  train.  Fortunately,  none  came.  The 
engineer,  not  suspecting  danger,  was  driving  at  full 
speed,  when  suddenly  the  locomotive  glided  from 
the  track.  The  infantry  guard  fired  a  volley,  which 
did  no  injury  to  us  except  killing  a  horse.  In  an 
instant,  a  shell  from  Chapman's  gun  went  crashing 
through  the  cars.  They  all  jumped  off  and  took 
to  their  heels  through  the  pines.  In  the  stampede, 
they  did  not  take  time  to  count  our  number.  If 
they  had  stood  their  ground,  they  could  have  easily 
driven  us  away.  Another  shell  was  sent  through 
the  boiler  of  the  engine.  The  infernal  noise  of 
the  escaping  steam  increased  the  panic  among  the 
fugitives.  There  were  several  bales  of  hay  on  the 
train  that  were  set  on  fire.  The  whole  was  soon  in 
flames.  One  car  was  loaded  with  sutlers'  goods, 
which  the  men  did  not  permit  to  be  entirely  con 
sumed  by  the  fire.  There  was  also  a  number  of 
fresh  shad ;  and  each  man  secured  one  of  these. 
The  blockade  of  the  Potomac  had  for  a  long  time 
deprived  us  of  that  luxury.  The  United  States 
mail  bags  were  tied  to  the  carriage  of  the  howitzer; 
and  we  started  to  retrace  our  steps. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


145, 


I  have  been  criticised  a  good  deal  at  the  North  for 
capturing  trains  on  railroads  used  for  military  pur 
poses.  To  justify  myself,  it  is  not  necessary  for  me 
to  use  the  tu  quoque  argument,  and  retort  that  my 
adversaries  did  the  same  whenever  they  could  ;  for 
the  plain  reason  that  I  was  simply  exercising  a  bel 
ligerent  right.  There  was  nobody  but  soldiers  on 
this  train ;  but,  if  there  had  been  women  and  chil 
dren,  too,  it  would  have  been  all  the  same  to  me. 
Those  who  travel  on  a  road  running  through  a  mil 
itary  district  must  accept  the  risk  of  the  accidents  of 
war.  It  does  not  hurt  people  any  more  to  be  killed 
in  a  railroad  wreck  than  having  their  heads  knocked 
off  by  a  cannon  shot.  One  of  the  most  effective 
ways  of  impeding  the  march  of  an  army  is  by  cutting 
off  its  supplies ;  and  this  is  just  as  legitimate  as  to 
attack  it  in  line  of  battle.  Jomini  says  that  the 
irregular  warfare  of  the  Cossacks  did  more  to  destroy 
the  French  army  on  the  expedition  to  Moscow  than 
the  elite  regiments  of  the  Russian  guard.  After  the 
peace,  all  Europe  hailed  their  hetman,  Platoff,  as  the 
hero  of  the  war,  and  the  corporation  of  London  gave 
him  a  sword. 

But  to  return  to  my  story.  I  had  penetrated  the 
enemy's  lines,  and  the  difficulty  was  now  to  get  out. 
The  sound  of  the  cannon  had  given  the  alarm.  The 
long  roll  was  beaten  through  all  the  infantry  camps, 


146 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


and  the  bugles  sounded — "to  horse."  As  I  had 
never  used  a  piece  of  artillery  before,  it  was  not 
known  that  I  had  it.  It  was  thought  at  first  that 
Stuart  had  come  in  behind  them,  and  hence  they 
advanced  on  me  cautiously.  When  I  had  got  about 
a  mile  from  the  railroad  I  met  a  regiment  of  New 
York  cavalry  (the  5th),  in  the  road  directly  in  front 
of  me.  It  had  come  up  from  the  camp  below  at 
Kettle  Run  to  cut  us  off.  We  halted  while  Chap 
man  unlimbered,  and  sent  a  shell  at  them,  which, 
fortunately,  burst  at  the  head  of  the  column,  and 
killed  the  horse  of  the  commanding  officer.  This 
created  a  stampede,  and  they  scattered  before  another 
shell  could  get  to  them.  The  way  was  now  open, 
and  we  went  on  by  the  horse  lying  with  his  accoutre 
ments  in  the  road.  I  made  Foster  and  a  few  others 
gallop  forward,  to  produce  the  impression  that  we 
were  pursuing,  but  soon  recalled  them  to  the  gun, 
as  I  was  expecting  the  enemy  every  moment  in  my 
rear.  We  were  now  girt  with  foes  on  every  side. 
It  would,  of  course,  have  been  easy  to  save  ourselves 
by  scattering  through  the  woods,  but  I  was  fighting 
on  a  point  of  honor.  I  wanted  to  save  the  howitzer, 
or,  if  I  had  to  lose  it,  I  was  determined  to  exact  all 
that  it  was  worth  in  blood.  After  we  got  about  a 
mile  further  on,  the  regiment  we  had  broken  rallied, 
and  with  re-inforcements  came  on  again  in  pursuit. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Another  shell  was  thrown  at  them,  and  they  fell  back. 
We  were  just  on  the  edge  of  a  wood,  and  I  ordered 
Chapman  to  go  forward  with  his  gun  at  a  gallop, 
while  I  remained  behind  with  six  men  as  a  rear-guard 
to  cover  the  retreat. 

Clouds  of  cavalry  which  had  been  attracted  by  the 
firing  were  now  seen  in  different  directions,  and  the 
enemy  once  more  moved  toward  us.  With  less  than 
50  men  I  was  confronting  Deforests  brigade  of  cav 
alry.  At  one  time  we  had  been  entirely  enveloped 
by  them,  but  had  broken  through  their  line.  As 
the  enemy  came  near  we  slowly  withdrew.  Their 
advance  guard  of  12  or  15  men  suddenly  dashed  upon 
us  as  we  were  retiring  through  the  woods.  We 
wheeled  and  had  a  fierce  hand-to-hand  fight,  in  which 
they  were  routed  and  driven  back.  Several  of  their 
dead  and  wounded  were  left  on  the  ground.  I  have 
before  spoken  of  Capt.  Hoskins,  an  English  officer, 
who  had  recently  joined  me.  He  was  riding  by  my 
side  when  the  fight  began.  The  tradition  of  chivalry 
inherited  from  the  ancient  knights  of  using  the 
sword  in  single  combat  still  asserted  its  dominion 
over  him,  but  my  other  men  had  no  more  use  for 
that  antiquated  weapon  than  a  coat  of  mail.  They 
had  discarded  it  as  a  useless  incumbrance.  Hoskins 
was  in  the  act  of  giving  a  thrust  when  he  was  shot. 
In  an  instant  after,  his  adversary  fell  before  a  deadly 


148  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

revolver.  Hoskins's  wound  was  mortal.  When  the 
fight  was  over,  he  was  taken  to  the  house  of  an 
Englishman  near  by,  and  lived  a  day  or  two.  Thus 
died  as  gallant  a  gentleman  as  ever  pricked  his  steed 
over  Palestine's  plains.  He  had  passed  without  a 
scar  through  the  fire  of  the  Redan  and  the  Malakoff 
to  fall  in  a  petty  skirmish  in  the  American  forests. 
I  could  not  stay  by  him,  and  I  had  no  means  of  car 
rying  him  off.  The  overwhelming  numbers  press 
ing  upon  us  forced  a  retreat,  and  we  had  to  leave  him 
by  the  roadside  with  his  life-blood  ebbing  fast  away. 
The  horse  that  I  had  presented  to  him  disdained 
capture  and  followed  us.  I  gave  it  to  Beattie.  He 
was  buried  in  his  martial  cloak  at  Greenwich  church, 
and  now,  like  Lara, 

Sleeps  not  where  his  fathers  sleep 

Seeing  that  no  hope  was  left  us  but  to  save  our 
honor  and  stand  by  the  gun,  I  sent  Foster  with  an 
order  to  Chapman  to  halt  and  unlimber  in  a  narrow 
lane  on  a  hill.  The  high  fences  on  both  sides  were 
some  protection  against  a  flank  attack  of  cavalry. 
I  knew  we  could  hold  the  position  as  long  as  the 
ammunition  lasted  for  the  gun.  Some  of  the  men 
who  had  joined  me,  thinking  that  they  were  going 
on  a  picnic,  had  already  left  to  fry  their  shad  and  eat 
the  confectioneries  they  had  got  on  the  train.  When 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

I  rode  up  to  Chapman,  he  had  his  gun  already  shotted. 
Mountjoy  and  Beattie  were  standing  by  it.  Their 
faces  beamed  with  what  the  Romans  called  the 
gaudia  certaminis,  and  they  had  never  looked  so 
happy  in  their  lives.  As  for  myself,  realizing  the 
desperate  straits  we  were  in,  I  wished  I  was  some 
where  else. 

Sam  Chapman  and  his  brother  William,  who  after 
ward  became  the  lieutenant-colonel  of  my  battalion, 
had  commanded  the  battery  which,  under  Long- 
street's  orders,  had  shattered  Fitz  John  Porter's 
corps  in  its  assault  on  Jackson's  line  at  Groveton 
heights.  When  the  Federal  cavalry  came  in  sight 
a  couple  of  hundred  yards  off,  he  sent  them  a  shell 
that  exploded  in  their  ranks,  and  they  fell  back  in 
confusion  to  the  woods.  They  re-formed  and  came 
again.  If  they  had  deployed  as  foragers,  we  would 
have  been  driven  away  without  inflicting  much  loss 
on  them.  But  they  committed  the  error  of  charging 
up  the  road  in  a  solid  column  of  fours,  where  every 
discharge  from  the  gun  raked  them  with  grape 
and  canister.  They  made  several  successive  onsets 
of  this  kind,  which  Chapman  repulsed.  In  turn,  we 
would  charge  and  drive  them  a  considerable  distance, 
and  then  return  to  the  gun.  This  was  repeated 
several  times  over  ground  strewn  with  their  killed 
and  wounded  men  and  horses.  The  damage  done 


150  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

here  to  my  side  was  that  Bill  Elzey  had  several  teeth 
knocked  out  by  a  bullet.  They  used  their  sabres, 
and  we  the  revolver.  At  last  the  supreme  moment 
came.  Chapman  had  rammed  home  his  last  round 
of  ammunition,  and  a  heavy  column  was  again 
advancing.  I  sat  on  my  horse  just  behind  the  gun  : 
when  they  got  within  50  yards,  it  again  belched  with 
fire  and  knocked  down  a  number  of  men  and  horses 
in  their  front.  They  halted,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
I  ordered  a  charge,  and  drove  them  down  to  the  foot 
of  the  hill.  I  was  riding  a  spirited  sorrel  horse,  who 
carried  me  with  so  much  force  that  I  could  not 
hold  him  up  until  I  had  gone  some  distance  through 
their  ranks.  Charlie  McDonough  followed  me.  As 
I  passed  by  a  big  cavalryman  he  struck  me  a  blow 
with  his  sabre  on  the  shoulder  that  nearly  knocked 
me  from  my  seat.  At  the  same  instant  my  pistol 
flashed,  and  he  reeled  from  his  saddle.  McDonough 
and  I  were  now  hemmed  in  by  high  fences  on  both 
sides ;  the  Federal  soldiers  we  had  passed  in  the 
road,  seeing  that  nearly  all  my  men  had  left  the 
gun,  which  had  ceased  firing,  made  a  dash  at  it. 
Beattie  managed  to  mount  and  get  away.  George 
Tuberville,  who  acted  as  driver,  went  off  at  full 
speed,  and  saved  his  two  horses  and  limber-chest. 
Mount  joy,  who  was  one  of  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
was  captured  at  the  gun,  after  he  had  fired  his  last 
cartridge. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  jtjj 

The  Rev.  Sam  Chapman  had  passed  through  so 
many  fights  unscathed  that  the  men  had  a  super 
stition  that  he  was  as  invulnerable  as  the  son  of 
Thetis.  His  hour  had  come  at  last,  and  a  bullet 
pierced  the  celestial  armor  of  the  soldier-priest ;  but 
he  fought  with  the  rammer  of  his  gun  as  he  fell. 
He  lived  to  pay  the  debt  he  contracted  that  day. 
"  For  time,  at  last,  sets  all  things  even."  The  vic 
tors  now  held  the  howitzer,  and  barred  the  only 
way  for  my  escape ;  but  I  held  in  my  hand  a  more 
potent  talisman  than  Douglas  threw  into  the  Sara 
cen  ranks.  My  faith  in  the  power  of  a  six-shooter 
was  as  strong  as  the  Crusader's  was  in  the  heart  of 
the  Bruce.  I  darted  by  the  men  who  were  now  in 
possession  of  the  gun,  and  received  no  hurt,  except 
getting  my  face  badly  scratched  by  the  limb  of  a 
tree  as  I  passed.  I  had  left  Hoskins,  Chapman, 
and  Mount  joy  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Their 
shouts  of  triumph  now  rang  through  the  woods ; 
but  no  further  pursuit  was  made.  With  a  single 
companion,  I  stopped  at  a  farmhouse,  washed  the 
blood  from  my  face,  and  started  back  to  get  ready 
for  another  raid. 

In  a  week  I  had  rallied,  and  was  down  in  Fair 
fax  stirring  up  the  outposts.  Stuart  sent  me  a  mes 
sage,  that  I  might  sell  another  gun  for  the  same 
price.  I  had  effected  more  than  I  had  hoped. 


152 


MOSBY1  S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


When  the  news  of  my  rout  reached  headquarters 
at  Fairfax  Court  House,  a  flaming  despatch  (which 
is  printed  in  Moore's  "  Rebellion  Record  ")  was  sent 
North,  announcing  that  "within  two  or  three  days 
Mosby  had  lost  150  men,  and  Gen.  Stahel  will  not 
let  him  rest  until  his  band  is  exterminated."  As  I 
had  all  the  time  acted  on  the  offensive,  it  was  easy 
enough  for  me  to  get  rest  by  keeping  quiet.  As  I 
had  never  had  one-half  that  number  of  men,  of  course 
I  could  not  have  lost  them.  As  long  as  I  could 
keep  a  thousand  men  watching  on  the  defensive  for 
every  one  that  I  had  with  me,  it  was  a  small  mat 
ter  who  got  the  best  in  a  fight. 

The  Count  of  Paris,  who  was  a  staff  officer  in  the 
Union  army,  in  his  history  of  the  war,  mentions  the 
two  affairs  on  the  railroad,  and  says :  "  In  Washing 
ton  itself,  Gen.  Heintzelman  was  in  command,  who, 
beside  the  depots,  the  regiments  under  instruction, 
and  the  artillery  in  the  forts,  had  under  his  control 
several  thousand  infantry  ready  to  take  the  field, 
and  Stahel's  division  of  cavalry,  numbering  6000 
horses,  whose  only  task  was  to  pursue  Mosby  and 
the  few  hundred  partisans  led  by  this  daring  chief." 
If  Pleasanton  had  had  those  6000  sabres  with  him 
a  few  days  after  this,  on  June  9,  1863,  in  his  great 
cavalry  combat  with  Stuart  at  Brandy  Station,  the 
result  might  have  been  different.  Hooker  had  asked 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^3 

for  them,  but  had  been  refused,  on  the  ground  that 
they  could  not  be  spared  from  the  defence  of  Wash 
ington.1 

1  [Telegram.] 

HEADQUARTERS,  May  30,  1863. 
STAHEL  TO  HEINTZELMAN:  — 

We  had  a  hard  fight  with  Mosby  this  morning,  who  had  artillery,  — 
the  same  which  was  used  to  destroy  the  train  of  cars.  We  whipped 
him  like  the  devil,  and  took  his  artillery.  My  forces  are  still  pursuing 
him.  A  more  full  report  will  follow,  hoping  the  General  will  be  satis 
fied  with  this  result.  JUL.  STAHEL,  Major-  General. 

Major-General  Stahel  reports  of  the  above  affair,  that  "  The  train  for 
Bealeton  had  just  passed  up,  and  believing  it  to  have  been  attacked,  he 
[Col.  Mann]  immediately  went  with  a  detachment  of  the  5th  N.Y.  Cav 
alry,  under  command  of  Capt.  A.  H.  Hasbrouck,  a  detachment  of  the 
ist  Vermont,  under  command  of  Lieut.-Col.  Preston,  and  a  small  de 
tachment  of  the  7th  Michigan.  The  detachment  of  the  5th  New  York 
was  sent  directly  across  the  country,  in  order  to  intercept  the  Rebels, 
while  the  balance  of  the  command  went  directly  to  the  scene  of  action. 
The  advance  of  the  5th  New  York,  led  by  Lieut.  Elmer  Barker,  came  up 
with  the  enemy  first,  and  found  them  with  the  howitzer  posted  on  a  hill, 
with  the  cavalry  drawn  up  in  line  in  the  rear  to  support  it.  Lieut.  Bar 
ker,  with  his  small  detachment  of  about  25  men,  dashed  up  the  hill,  and 
when  within  about  50  yards  of  the  gun,  received  a  charge  of  grape  and 
canister,  which  killed  three  (3)  and  wounded  seven  (7)  of  our  men,  and 
several  horses.  The  enemy  then  charged  upon  us,  but  were  met  with 
a  stubborn  resistance  by  the  Lieutenant  and  his  men,  although  the 
Lieutenant  had  received  two  grape-shots  in  his  thigh.  We  were,  how 
ever,  overpowered  and  driven  back  a  short  distance.  Just  then  Col. 
Preston  of  the  ist  Vermont  (Lieut.  Hazleton,  with  companies  H  andC, 
being  in  advance)  came  up  at  a  full  charge  upon  their  flank,  and  were 
received  with  a  discharge  from  the  howitzer  of  grape  and  canister. 
Our  men  pressed  on,  however,  until  they  came  to  a  hand-to-hand  con 
flict,  when  the  enemy  gradually  fell  back.  We  took  their  howitzer,  and 
they  fled  in  every  direction.  .  .  .  Our  loss  was  four  (4)  killed,  fifteen 
(15)  wounded,  the  names  of  which  please  find  enclosed.  We  also  lost 
eleven  (il)  horses  killed  and  several  wounded." 


154  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

«  Fight  as  thy  fathers  fought, 

Fall  as  thy  fathers  fell ! 

Thy  task  is  taught,  thy  shroud  is  wrought;  — 
So  —  forward  —  and  farewell ! "  —  Praed. 

T  NOW  turned  my  attention  once  more  to  the 
-*•  troops  guarding  the  line  of  the  Potomac  and  the 
defences  of  Washington.  I  was  afraid  that  if  I  con 
tinued  my  attacks  on  the  railroad  and  in  the  vicinity 
of  Hooker's  camps,  the  cavalry  division  of  Stahel 
would  be  released  from  doing  guard  duty,  and  sent 
to  the  front  on  the  Rappahannock.1  So  on  June  3, 

1  In  his  testimony  before  the  committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war, 
Gen.  Hooker  says,  vol.  I,  page  162: 

"  I  may  here  state  that  while  at  Fairfax  Court  House  my  cavalry 
was  reinforced  by  that  of  Maj.-Gen.  Stahel.  The  latter  numbered  6100 
sabres,  and  had  been  engaged  in  picketing  a  line  from  Occoquan 
River  to  Goose  Creek.  This  line  was  concentric  to,  and  a  portion  of  it 
within,  the  line  held  by  my  army.  The  force  opposed  to  them  was 
Mosby's  guerillas,  numbering  about  200  [not  over  thirty  men] ;  and, 
if  the  reports  of  the  newspapers  were  to  be  believed,  this  whole  party 
was  killed  two  or  three  times  during  the  winter.  From  the  time  I 
took  command  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac  there  was  no  evidence  that 
any  force  of  the  enemy,  other  than  that  above  named,  was  within  100 
miles  of  Washington  City;  and  yet,  the  planks  on  the  chain  bridge 
were  taken  up  at  night  during  the  greater  part  of  the  winter  and  spring. 
It  was  this  cavalry  force,  it  will  be  remembered,  I  had  occasion  to  ask 
for,  that  my  cavalry  might  be  strengthened  when  it  was  numerically  too 
weak  to  cope  with  the  superior  numbers  of  the  enemy." 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  x^ 

only  three  days  after  I  had  been  routed  and  my  how- 
itzer  captured  near  Greenwich,  I  collected  thirty  or 
forty  men  and  started  once  more  for  Fairfax.  The 
cavalry  down  there  had  enjoyed  a  season  of  rest  for 
several  weeks.  We  passed  by  Fryingpan  at  night,  and 
slept  in  a  thicket  of  pines  on  the  Ox  road.  John  Un 
derwood  was  sent  forward  with  a  squad  of  men  to  fire 
on  the  pickets  or  patrols.  I  knew  that  this  would 
draw  out  a  force  in  search  of  us  the  next  morning. 
Just  as  I  had  got  in  a  doze  I  heard  several  shots. 
The  men  burst  out  laughing,  and  said,  "  That's  John 
Underwood."  I  had  directed  him  to  remain  con 
cealed  by  the  roadside  to  watch  for  any  scouting 
party  of  the  enemy  that  might  come  out  in  the 
morning.  About  sunrise  I  received  a  message  from 
him  that  a  body  of  about  fifty  cavalry  had  gone  up 
the  road.  In  an  instant  we  were  all  in  our  saddles  ; 
but  just  then  Underwood  galloped  up  and  informed 
me  that  another  body  had  passed  on. 

"  How  many  do  you  think  there  are  ?  " 

"About  100,"  was  his  answer. 

"  All  the  better,"  I  said  ;  "  we  are  in  their  rear.  It 
is  just  as  easy  to  whip  100  as  50.  Forward,  trot ! " 

The  party  of  the  first  part  got  to  Fryingpan  and 
halted ;  we  overtook  the  second  party  just  as  we  got 
in  sight  of  the  first.  They  were  utterly  confounded 
at  seeing  a  lot  of  men  coming  up  on  their  rear,  shoot- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

ing  and  shouting.  They  hadn't  time  to  wheel  around 
to  meet  an  attack  from  behind,  but  broke  and  ran 
away.  They  were  driven  pell-mell  in  a  cloud  of  dust 
upon  the  body  of  cavalry  that  had  halted  at  Frying- 
pan,  and  in  turn  they  communicated  the  panic  to 
their  friends.  I  came  very  near  being  caught  here 
in  the  same  trap  that  I  got  in  at  Warrenton  Junction, 
but  managed  to  get  out  without  loss,  beside  carrying 
off  a  number  of  prisoners  and  horses.  Some  of  my 
men  had  chased  the  fugitives  a  few  hundred  yards 
when  they  unexpectedly  came  on  a  regiment  of  Fed 
eral  cavalry  drawn  up  in  line  just  over  a  hill.  I  have 
since  ascertained  that  it  was  Col.  Gray  of  the  6th 
Michigan  cavalry.  He  had  come  out  on  another 
road,  and  hearing  the  firing  at  Fryingpan,  had  formed 
to  receive  an  attack.  If  he  had  followed  the  example 
of  Major  Hammond  with  the  5th  New  York,  at 
Warrenton  Junction,  and  charged  us  when  we  were 
in  disorder  and  scattered  over  the  field,  that  would  in 
all  probability  have  been  my  last  day  as  a  partisan 
commander.  As  soon  as  I  heard  of  this  third  body 
of  cavalry,  which  I  had  not  seen,  I  drew  off  my  men 
as  rapidly  as  possible,  while  Col.  Gray  was  waiting 
to  receive  us.  He  managed  to  catch  Dr.  Alexander, 
who  was  with  me.  I  went  off  home  with  my  spoil, 
and  it  was  announced  in  Washington  that  I  had  once 
more  been  routed  and  driven  away.  A  few  days  after 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

thttt  I  caught  a  Federal  surgeon,  and  set  him  free  on 
the  condition  that  he  would  try  to  secure  the  release 
of  Alexander.  He  kept  his  pledge. 

As  I  have  before  stated,  I  had  two  months  before 
this  time  received  authority  from  the  war  department, 
through  Gen.  Lee,  to  raise  a  command.  A  good 
many  men  had  joined  me,  but  a  considerable  number 
of  them  had  been  captured  at  different  times  by  raid 
ing  parties  of  the  enemy.  As  it  was  the  third  year 
of  the  war  the  soldier  element  in  the  country  had 
been  pretty  well  exhausted  by  conscription,  and  I 
was  forbidden  to  receive  recruits  from  this  class  sub 
ject  to  conscript  duty.  It  was,  therefore,  very  diffi 
cult  for  me  to  get  60  eligible  men,  which  was  the 
legal  standard  for  organizing  a  company.  By  this 
time  I  had  about  that  number  on  my  muster  roll ; 
but  at  least  a  third  of  them  were  in  prison,  having 
been  captured  at  various  times  by  raiding  parties  of 
the  enemy.  On  June  10,  1863,  my  first  company 
was  organized  at  Rector  Crossroads,  with  James  W. 
Foster  as  captain,  Thomas  Turner  of  Maryland  as 
ist,  William  L.  Hunter  (now  of  California)  as  2d, 
and  George  Whitescomer  as  3d  lieutenant.  In  com 
pliance  with  law,  I  had  to  go  through  the  form  of  an 
election.  But  I  really  appointed  the  officers,  and 
told  the  men  to  vote  for  them.  This  was  my  rule  as 
long  as  I  had  a  command,  and  with  two  or  three  ex- 


i58 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


ceptions  their  conduct  vindicated  my  judgment.  On 
the  same  day  that  the  company  was  organized  I  started 
for  the  Potomac,  as  it  was  my  policy  to  keep  up  a  state 
of  alarm  about  the  capital.  I  had  long  meditated 
crossing  the  river,  but  it  was  not  fordable  during  the 
spring  and  winter  season.  This  was  but  a  few  weeks 
after  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  and  there  was 
great  fear  at  the  North  of  a  Confederate  invasion. 
Gen.  Lee1  was  then  moving  up  the  Rappahannock 

1  The  following  correspondence  between  Gen.  Pleasanton,  chief  of 
cavalry,  and  Gen.  Ingalls,  chief  quartermaster  of  the  army  of  the 
Potomac,  which  I  recently  found  in  the  archives  of  the  war  depart 
ment,  shows  the  anxiety  at  that  time  to  suppress  my  command.  I 
had  never  heard  of  it  before  I  saw  it  there.  It  is  evident  that  some 
body  had  hoaxed  Gen.  Pleasanton,  as  the  whole  negotiation  was  con 
fined  to  himself  and  Gen.  Ingalls.  The  fact  that  he  had  an  unlimited 
amount  of  money  placed  at  his  disposal  for  buying  me,  and  did  not  do 
it,  is  conclusive  proof  that  there  never  had  been  a  chance  for  it :  — 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  CORPS,  June  12,  1863. 
GEN.  R.  INGALLS,  Chief  Quartermaster :  —  Your  despatch  received. 
Ask  the  general  how  much  of  a  bribe  he  can  stand  to  get  Mosby's  ser 
vices.  There  is  a  chance  for  him;  and  just  now  he  could  do  valuable 
service  in  the  way  of  information,  as  well  as  humbugging  the  enemy. 
There's  no  news.  The  rebels  are  like  the  boy  the  President  tells  about 
who  stumped  his  toe  and  was  too  big  to  cry.  Birney  is  up. 

A.  PLEASANTON,  Brigadier- General. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC, 

June  12,  1863. 

GEN.  PLEASANTON  :  —  If  you  think  your  scheme  can  succeed  in  re 
gard  to  Mosby,  do  not  hesitate  as  to  the  matter  of  money.  Use  your 
own  judgment,  and  do  precisely  what  you  think  best  for  the  public 
interest.  ROBERT  INGALLS, 

Brigadier-  General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

on  his  way  to  Pennsylvania.  I  knew  that  if  I  only 
crossed  over  once,  a  small  army  would  be  detached 
to  protect  the  border.  Information  had  reached  me 
that  a  squadron  of  Michigan  cavalry  was  at  Seneca ; 
and  I  resolved  to  attack  it.  My  plan  was  to  cross 
the  river  at  night,  capture  the  patrols,  and  surprise 
the  camp  about  daybreak.1  Unfortunately,  the  night 
was  very  dark ;  my  guide  missed  the  way,  and  we 
did  not  get  over  the  river  until  daybreak.  I  sent 

1  MIDDLEBURG,  VA.,  June  10,  1863. 

GENERAL  :  —  I  left  our  point  of  rendezvous  yesterday  for  the  pur 
pose  of  making  a  night  attack  on  two  cavalry  companies  of  the  enemy 
on  the  Maryland  shore.  Had  I  succeeded  in  crossing  the  river  at 
night,  as  I  expected,  I  would  have  had  no  difficulty  in  capturing  them; 
but,  unfortunately,  my  guide  mistook  the  road,  and,  instead  of  crossing 
by  n  o'clock  at  night,  I  did  not  get  over  until  after  daylight.  The 
enemy  (between  80  and  100  strong),  being  apprised  of  my  move 
ment,  were  formed  to  receive  me.  A  charge  was  ordered,  the  shock 
of  which  the  enemy  could  not  resist;  and  they  were  driven  several 
miles  in  confusion,  with  the  loss  of  seven  killed,  a  considerable  number 
wounded,  and  17  prisoners;  also  20  odd  horses  or  more.  We  burned 
their  tents,  stores,  camp  equipage,  etc.  I  regret  the  loss  of  two  brave 
officers  killed  —  Capt.  Brawner  and  Lieut.  (George  H.)  Whitescarver. 
I  also  had  one  man  wounded. 

Respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN   S.   MOSBY, 
Major  of  Partisan  Rangers. 
MAJ.-GEN.  J.  E.  B.  STUART. 

\_Indorserr  ent^\ 

HEADQUARTERS  CAVALRY  DIVISION,  June  16,  1863. 
Respectfully  forwarded.     In  consideration  of  his  brilliant  services, 
I  hope  the  President  will  promote  Mai.  Mosby. 

J.   E.   B.   STUART, 

Major-  General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Alfred  Glasscock,  Joe  Nelson,  and  Trunnell  ahead, 
who  concealed  themselves  in  the  bushes  on  the  canal 
bank,  and  seized  the  patrol  as  it  came  along  without 
giving  any  alarm.  When  I  reached  the  northern 
bank  they  were  waiting  for  me.  The  same  party 
then  went  on  up  the  towpath  and  captured  a  canal 
boat  and  some  mules ;  while  I  halted  a  short  time  to 
close  up  the  command.  When  we  got  near  the  bridge 
over  the  canal,  we  met  another  patrol,  that  fired  and 
fled.  They  pulled  up  the  drawbridge  behind  them ; 
and  it  took  us  some  minutes  to  replace  it.  This 
delay  gave  time  to  the  cavalry  in  camp  to  saddle  up. 
Before  we  got  in  200  yards  of  them  they  retreated 
rapidly.  After  crossing  a  narrow  bridge  over  Seneca 
Creek,  they  halted,  and  held  it  against  a  few  of  my 
men,  who  had  pursued  them.  They  were  armed 
with  carbines,  and  poured  such  a  hot  fire  into  the 
men  that  they  started  to  fall  back.  Just  then  I 
rode  up.  Some  of  them  were  carrying  Glasscock 
away,  as  he  had  been  severely  wounded. 

After  waiting  a  minute  or  two  for  my  command  to 
close  up,  we  dashed  across  the  bridge  and  completely 
routed  the  cavalry  on  the  other  bank.  Frank  String- 
fellow  rode  by  my  side  as  I  led  the  charge,  but  we 
had  hardly  got  over  before  George  Whitescarver  was 
ahead  of  us.  The  Michigan  men  broke  and  fled, 
leaving  behind  17  prisoners,  30  horses,  their  colors, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  j6i 

four  dead  and  one  wounded,  beside  all  their  camp 
equipage  and  stores.  They  had  formed  a  line  of  a 
crescent  shape  not  more  than  50  yards  from  the 
bridge,  on  which  they  poured  a  converging  fire,  but 
not  one  of  us  was  touched  in  going  over.  I  had  not 
gone  a  hundred  yards  in  pursuit  when  Foster,  who 
was  riding  by  me,  said,  as  we  passed  a  dead  man  in 
the  road:  " There  is  one  of  our  boys."  He  was  so 
begrimed  with  dust  that  I  did  not  recognize  him. 
It  was  Whitescarver.  The  men  were  soon  recalled. 
I  was  apprehensive  that  the  enemy's  cavalry  on  the 
river  above  might  come  down  the  towpath  and  inter 
cept  us.  Then  there  was  the  danger,  if  I  tarried  too 
long  in  Maryland,  that  Maj.-Gen.  Stahel  would  be 
ready  to  catch  me  on  the  Virginia  shore,  for  his 
camps  were  only  a  few  miles  below.  I  was  accom 
panied  that  day  by  Capt.  Brawner,  who  commanded 
an  independent  company,  and  had  come  over  to 
Fauquier  a  few  days  before.  With  two  or  three  men 
he  had  kept  on  after  I  had  abandoned  the  pursuit, 
and  was  killed.1  I  returned  to  Middleburg  unmo 
lested,  wrote  a  despatch  to  Stuart,  and  forwarded  my 

1  One  who  was  in  command  at  Poolesville,  Md.,  a  few  miles  from 
Seneca,  reports:  "About  250  of  the  enemy's  cavalry  crossed  the 
Potomac  near  Muddy  Branch  at  daybreak.  The  enemy  dashed  rapidly 
up  the  canal,  driving  in  the  patrols,  and  attacked  Capt.  Deane's  com 
pany  (I)  6th  Michigan  cavalry,  on  duty  at  Seneca  locks.  Capt.  Deane 
fell  back  toward  Poolesville,  forming  line  three  times,  and  only  re« 


1 62  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

prisoners.  The  next  day  I  sent  him  the  captured 
guidon,  by  Maj.  White  of  his  staff.  The  raid  had  all 
the  effect  I  desired  in  arousing  the  fears  of  the  enemy 
for  the  safety  of  the  North. 

.  Col.  Thompson  of  the  California  cavalry  battalion, 
who  accompanied  Col.  Lowell  in  pursuit  of  me 
through  Leesburg,  recently  informed  me  that  when 
they  got  to  Fairfax  on  their  return  they  found  Gen. 
Stahel's  division  prepared  for  battle.  Stahel  had 
sent  out  scouting  parties  over  the  country.  I  had  no 
positive  knowledge  of  the  intention  of  Gen.  Lee  to 
invade  the  North,  but  all  signs  pointed  that  way. 
First  came  the  news  of  Milroy's  rout  by  Ewell  at 
Winchester.  As  I  was  looking  for  Stuart  every  day, 
I  made  no  more  raids  that  week,  but  held  my  men 
ready  to  do  any  work  that  he  wanted.  On  June  16 
Stuart  crossed  the  Rappahannock,  and  bivouacked 
near  Piedmont  station  in  Fauquier  that  night.  On 
the  same  day  I  went  with  a  few  men  on  a  scout  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Thoroughfare,  to  find  out  which 
way  Hooker  was  moving.  I  saw  from  the  smoke  of 
his  camp  fires  that  he  was  retiring  on  Washington  as 
Lee  advanced  toward  the  Potomac. 

treating  when  nearly  surrounded.  The  enemy  followed  to  within  three 
miles  of  Poolesville,  when  he  rapidly  retired,  destroying  the  camp  of 
Capt.  Deane,  and  recrossing  the  river  at  the  point  where  he  had 
crossed.  Our  loss  is  four  men  killed,  16  men  missing,  one  man 
wounded." 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  16$ 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  I7th  I  visited  Stuart's 
headquarters  at  Miss  Kitty  Shacklett's  house.  As 
he  was  mounted  on  a  very  indifferent  horse,  I  gave 
him  a  fine  sorrel  that  one  of  my  men  had  recently 
captured  from  a  Michigan  lieutenant.  I  told  him 
what  I  knew  about  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and 
that  I  was  ready  to  perform  any  service  he  wanted. 
The  cavalry  moved  on  to  Middleburg,  and  I  met 
him  there  again  in  the  afternoon.  There  were  30 
or  40  of  my  men  with  me.  He  had  never  seen 
them  before,  and  made  some  jocular  remarks  about 
them  as  they  passed.  We  had  a  short  conference, 
and  he  approved  of  the  expedition  on  which  I  was 
going  across  the  Potomac.  There  had  been  so  many 
alarms  along  the  enemy's  lines  that  it  was  difficult 
for  them  to  reinforce  any  one  point  more  strongly 
than  it  had  been ;  and  I  knew  that  they  would  now 
rely  on  the  presence  of  Hooker's  troops  for  the  pro 
tection  of  Maryland.  I  did  not  think  they  were  ex 
pecting  me  to  come  back  to  Seneca.  My  idea  was 
to  create  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Gen.  Lee,  who  was 
marching  into  the  Shenandoah  valley,  and  also  to 
keep  him  informed  of  the  movement  of  the  enemy. 
I  bade  Stuart  "good  by,"  and  told  him  that  he  would 
soon  hear  from  me.  He  had  sent  Wickham's  brig 
ade  down  to  picket  the  gap  in  the  Bull  Run  moun 
tain  at  Aldie.  His  duty  was  to  observe  the  enemy, 


1 64  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

and  mask  the  movements  of  the  Confederate  army. 
My  command  turned  off  three  miles  above  there, 
and  moved  again  toward  Seneca.  It  was  a  very  hot 
day,  and  we  had  stopped  a  while  to  rest  under  the 
shade  of  some  trees,  and  refresh  ourselves  with  but 
termilk  at  the  house  of  a  farmer  named  Gulick. 
Presently  we  heard  artillery  firing  over  toward 
Aldie,  which  indicated  a  collision  of  the  enemy's 
cavalry  with  ours.  In  an  instant  every  man  was 
mounted.  From  a  commanding  position  on  the 
mountain,  which  we  reached  in  a  few  minutes,  I 
could  see  clouds  of  dust  rising  on  every  road,  which 
showed  that  Hooker  was  marching  for  the  Potomac. 
After  going  a  little  farther,  we  captured  a  number 
of  prisoners,  and  I  immediately  sent  a  despatch  to 
Stuart,  with  the  information  I  got  from  them.  I 
could  not  now  get  to  Seneca  without  passing  through 
Hooker's  infantry,  so  I  concluded  to  go  down  on 
the  Little  River  turnpike,  and  operate  on  the  line 
of  communication  between  Pleasanton's  cavalry  and 
the  general  headquarters.  I  knew  I  could  gather 
some  prizes  there,  and  probably  keep  Stahel's  cav 
alry  from  coming  to  the  front,  by  giving  them  plenty 
to  do  in  their  rear.  So  we  kept  ourselves  concealed, 
like  Robin  Hood  and  his  merry  men,  in  the  green 
wood  until  night,  and  then  sallied  out  in  quest  of 
game.  After  it  was  dark,  we  moved  to  a  point 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  i$$ 

about  four  miles  below  Aldie,  where  Pleasanton  and 
Rosser  had  been  fighting,  and  on  the  pike  leading 
to  Fairfax  Court  House,  near  which  Hooker's  head 
quarters  were  established  that  evening.  My  com 
mand  was  now  inside  of  Hooker's  lines,  and  envi 
roned  on  all  sides  by  the  camps  of  his  different 
corps.  Along  the  pike  a  continuous  stream  of 
troops,  with  all  the  impedimenta  of  war,  poured 
along.  Taking  three  men  with  me — Joe  Nelson, 
Charlie  Hall,  and  Norman  Smith — I  rode  out  into 
the  column  of  Union  troops  as  they  passed  along. 
As  it  was  dark,  they  had  no  suspicion  who  we  were, 
although  we  were  all  dressed  in  full  Confederate 
uniform.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Birch  lived  in  a 
house  near  the  roadside,  and  I  discovered  three 
horses  standing  at  his  front  gate,  with  a  man  hold 
ing  them  by  their  bridles.  I  was  sure  that  he  was 
an  orderly,  and  that  they  were  officers'  horses.  We 
rode  up,  and  asked  him  to  whom  they  belonged. 
He  replied  that  they  were  Maj.  Stirling's  and  Capt. 
Fisher's,  and  that  they  were  just  from  Gen.  Hook 
er's  headquarters.  I  then  called  him  up  to  me  and 
took  him  by  the  collar,  and  leaning  down,  whispered 
in  his  ear  :  "  You  are  my  prisoner.  My  name  is 
Mosby."  The  man,  who  was  an  Irishman,  under 
stood  me  to  say  that  he  was  "  Mosby,"  and  indig 
nantly  replied,  "  You  are  a  d — d  liar.  I  am  as  good 


1 66  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

a  Union  man  as  you  are."  Just  then  in  the  starlight 
he  saw  the  gleam'  of  a  pistol,  and  had  nothing  fur 
ther  to  say. 

In  a  few  minutes  the  officers  came  out  of  the  house. 
I  saluted  them,  and  asked  which  way  they  were  going 
and  where  they  were  from.  As  we  seemed  to  be  in 
such  friendly  relations  with  their  orderly,  they  never 
suspected  our  hostile  character,  and  promptly  an 
swered  that  they  were  from  Gen.  Hooker's  head 
quarters,  and  were  carrying  despatches  to  Pleasanton. 
Capt.  Fisher  was  his  chief  signal  officer,  going  up  to 
establish  a  signal  station  at  Snicker's  gap  —  if  he 
could  get  there.  By  this  time  my  men  had  dis 
mounted,  and  as  I  was  talking  to  Maj.  Stirling,  Joe 
Nelson  walked  up,  and,  politely  extending  his  hand, 
asked  for  his  pistol.  Charlie  Hall,  not  to  be  outdone 
m  courtesy  by  Joe,  proposed  to  relieve  Capt.  Fisher 
of  his.  They  both  misunderstood  what  Hall  and 
Nelson  meant,  and  offered  to  shake  hands  with  them. 
In  an  instant  the  barrels  of  four  glittering  revolvers 
unformed  them  that  death  was  their  doom  if  they 
refused  to  be  prisoners.  Resistance  was  useless  and 
they  surrendered.  All  now  mounted  quickly  and  we 
left  the  pike.  As  we  started,  both  officers  burst  out 
laughing.  I  asked  them  what  they  were  laughing  at. 
They  said  they  had  laughed  so  much  about  their 
people  being  gobbled  up  by  me  that  they  were  now 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


I67 


enjoying  the  joke  being  turned  on  themselves.  They 
were  then  informed  that  I  knew  that  they  had  de 
spatches  for  Pleasanton,  and  that  they  could  relieve 
me  of  performing  a  disagreeable  duty  by  handing 
them  over.  Maj.  Stirling  promptly  complied.  I 
then  went  to  a  farmer's  house  near  by,  got  a  light, 
and  read  them.1  They  contained  just  such  informa 
tion  as  Gen.  Lee  wanted,  and  were  the  "  open  sesame  " 
to  Hooker's  army.  I  wrote  a  note  to  Stuart  to  go 
with  the  despatches,  which  were  sent  with  the  pris 
oners  under  charge  of  Norman  Smith.  He  got  to 
Stuart's  headquarters  about  daybreak.  The  skies 
were  red  that  night  in  every  direction  with  the  light 
of  the  fires  of  the  Union  army.  We  slept  soundly 


1  Stuart's  report  of  the  Gettysburg  campaign  says:  "Maj.  Mosby, 
with  his  usual  daring,  penetrated  the  enemy's  lines  and  caught  a  staff 
officer  of  Gen.  Hooker  —  bearer  of  despatches  to  Gen.  Pleasanton, 
commanding  United  States  cavalry  near  Aldie.  These  despatches  dis 
closed  the  fact  that  Hooker  was  looking  to  Aldie  with  solicitude,  and 
that  Pleasanton,  with  infantry  and  cavalry,  occupied  the  place;  and 
that  a  reconnoissance  in  force  of  cavalry  was  meditated  toward  War- 
renton  and  Culpepper.  I  immediately  despatched  to  Gen.  Hampton, 
who  was  coming  by  way  of  Warrenton  from  the  direction  of  Beverly 
ford,  this  intelligence,  and  directed  him  to  meet  this  advance  at  War 
renton.  The  captured  despatches  also  gave  the  entire  number  of 
divisions,  from  which  we  could  estimate  the  approximate  strength  of 
the  enemy's  army.  I  therefore  concluded  in  no  event  to  attack  with 
cavalry  alone  the  enemy  at  Aldie.  .  .  .  Hampton  met  the  enemy's 
advance  toward  Culpepper  and  Warrenton,  and  drove  him  back  with 
out  difficulty  —  a  heavy  storm  and  night  intervening  to  aid  the  enemy's 
retreat." 


1 68  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

within  a  mile  of  Birney's  corps  at  Gum  Spring,  and 
in  the  morning  began  operations  on  the  pike.  We 
soon  got  as  many  fish  in  our  nets  as  we  could  haul 
out,  and  then  returned  into  the  Confederate  lines. 
Stuart  was  delighted  to  see  me ;  he  had  also  learned 
from  the  captured  despatches  that  a  cavalry  recon- 
noissance  would  be  sent  to  Warrenton  the  next  day. 
Notice  of  it  was  sent  to  Gen.  Hampton,  who  met  and 
repulsed  it. 

After  a  series  of  indecisive  engagements,  extending 
through  several  days,  Pleasanton,  finally,  on  the  2ist 
of  June,  supported  by  a  force  of  infantry,  drove 
Stuart  back  to  Ashby's  Gap  in  the  Blue  Ridge. 
Having  effected  the  object  of  his  reconnoissance, 
which  was  to  ascertain  the  position  of  the  Confed 
erate  army  that  was  then  moving  down  the  Shen- 
nandoah  Valley,  Pleasanton  retired  on  the  same 
night  to  Aldie,  where  the  5th  Corps  was  posted, 
and  did  not  again  assume  the  offensive  as  long  as 
Hooker  remained  in  Virginia.  He  stood  on  the 
defensive  and  simply  watched  and  waited.  On  the 
next  day,  Stuart  re-established  his  lines  about  Mid- 
dleburg,  with  his  headquarters  at  Rector's  Cross 
roads,  where  he  kept  up  communication  with  Gen. 
Lee,  who  was  at  Berryville.  Hill  and  Longstreet 
were  near  there,  and  Ewell  had  gone  into  Maryland. 
On  the  afternoon  when  Pleasanton  followed  the  Con- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ifty 

federate  cavalry  through  Upperville  to  the  mountain, 
I  was  with  my  command  on  Dulony's  farm,  about 
a  mile  from  the  pike,  as  he  passed.  I  determined 
again  to  strike  at  his  rear.  As  we  were  passing 
Bull  Run  mountain  by  a  narrow  path  that  night, 
one  of  my  men,  about  the  middle  of  the  column, 
dropped  his  hat,  and  stopped  to  pick  it  up.  It  was 
pitch  dark ;  and,  as  those  in  front  of  him  knew  noth 
ing  about  it,  they  kept  on.  The  men  behind  him 
halted.  This  cut  my  column  in  two ;  and  half  of 
it  wandered  all  night  in  the  woods,  but  never  found 
me.  We  slept  in  a  drenching  rain  on  the  top  of  the 
mountain,  and  started  early  in  the  morning.  As  we 
were  going  through  Dr.  Ewell's  farm,  I  stopped  to 
talk  with  him  ;  but  the  men  went  on.  Presently,  I 
saw  them  halt  near  a  church  in  the  woods ;  and  one 
of  them  beckoned  to  me.  I  galloped  up,  and  saw  a 
body  of  about  thirty  cavalry  drawn  up  not  a  hundred 
yards  in  front  of  us.  I  instantly  ordered  a  charge ; 
and,  just  as  we  got  upon  them,  they  ran  away,  while 
a  heavy  fire  was  poured  into  us  by  a  company  of 
infantry  concealed  in  the  church.  A  negro  had  car 
ried  the  news  of  our  being  on  the  mountain  to  Gen. 
Meade,  who  had  prepared  this  ambuscade  for  me. 
Three  of  my  men  —  Charlie  Hall,  Mountjoy,  and 
Ballard  —  were  wounded ;  the  latter  losing  a  leg. 
The  lieutenant  commanding  the  Federal  cavalry 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

was  killed.  I  was  not  ten  steps  from  the  infantry 
when  they  fired  the  volley.  We  fell  back  to  the 
mountain ;  and,  no  doubt,  Gen.  Meade  thought  that 
I  was  done  for  —  at  least  for  that  day.  After  taking 
care  of  my  wounded,  I  started  again  for  the  Little 
River  Pike,  which  we  reached  by  flanking  Gen. 
Meade.  Pretty  soon  we  caught  a  train  of  twenty 
wagons,  And  proceeded  to  unhitch  the  mules.  I 
did  not  have  more  than  one  man  to  a  wagon.  The 
guard  to  the  train  rallied,  and  recaptured  some  of 
the  animals,  and  two  of  my  men  ;  but  we  got  away 
with  most  of  them.  That  night  they  were  delivered 
to  Stuart's  quartermaster.  This  raid  is  a  fine  illus 
tration  of  the  great  results  that  may  be  achieved 
by  a  partisan  force  co-operating  with  the  movements 
of  an  army.  My  principal  aim  in  these  operations 
was  to  get  information  for  Stuart,  and,  by  harassing 
the  communications  of  the  Federal  army,  to  neutral 
ize  with  my  small  command  Stahel's  three  brigades 
of  cavalry  in  Fairfax.1 

1  Gen.  Stahel,  in  a  report  to  the  secretary  of  war,  says  that  on  June 
21  he  received  an  order  from  Hooker's  headquarters  to  make  a  recon- 
noissance  in  force  to  Warrenton  and  the  upper  Rappahannock.  "  In 
compliance  with  this  order,"  he  says,  "  I  started  with  my  command  for 
Warrenton  and  the  upper  Rappahannock.  Just  as  I  was  about  cross 
ing  the  Rappahannock  with  two  brigades,  —  one  of  my  brigades  being 
already  across,  —  for  the  purpose  of  executing  the  above  orders,  and 
to  break  up  Gen.  Lee's  communication  with  Richmond,  and  which 
could  have  been  easily  effected,  as  there  were  but  very  few  troops, 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


I/I 


It  happened  that  on  June  22 —  the  very  day  we 
captured  the  wagon  train  —  Gen.  Stahel,  in  obedi 
ence  to  Hooker's  orders,  had  gone  from  Fairfax  with 
three  cavalry  brigades  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  on 
a  reconnoissance  to  the  Rappahannock.  On  June 
23,  just  as  one  of  his  brigades  had  crossed  over  the 
river,  and  the  other  two  were  in  the  act  of  cross 
ing,  he  received  an  order  from  Gen.  Hooker  to  re 
turn  immediately,  and  to  dispose  his  force  so  as  to 
catch  the  party  inside  his  lines  that  had  captured 
his  wagon  train.  We  had  got  to  Stuart's  head 
quarters  with  Hooker's  mules  before  Stahel  got  the 

and  Gen.  Lee's  rear  consisting  of  their  cavalry,  with  which  Gen. 
Pleasanton  was  engaged  in  the  upper  part  of  the  valley,  received  the 
following  order  from  Hooker  : 

"  *  JUNE  23. 

"  '  MAJ.-GEN.  HANCOCK  :  —  Direct  Gen.  Stahel  to  return  without 
delay;  to  dispose  his  forces  so  as  to  catch  the  party  inside  our  lines, 
if  possible.' 

"  Another  despatch  stated  that  the  force  was  about  IOO;  that  they 
attacked  one  of  our  trains  on  the  Aldie  road. 

"  It  was  with  feelings  of  bitter  regret  and  disappointment  that  I  re 
ceived  this  order,  inasmuch  as  I  was  just  crossing  the  Rappahannock 
with  three  brigades  of  cavalry  and  a  battery  of  horse  artillery,  who 
were  just  fresh  from  camp,  etc.  .  .  .  All  of  Lee's  supplies  had  to  pass 
up  between  the  Rappahannock  and  Blue  Ridge  mountains  or  cross  to 
the  Shenandoah  valley;  and  my  force  was  sufficient  to  have  de 
stroyed  his  entire  trains  and  to  cut  off  Gen.  Lee  completely  from  his 
supplies.  ...  I  was  compelled  by  this  order  to  abandon  my  move 
ment,  and  restrained  from  dealing  so  fatal  a  blow  to  the  enemy,  and 
return  with  my  whole  division  to  disperse  about  100  guerillas  who  had 
escaped  back  out  of  our  lines  before  I  ever  received  the  order  to 
return." 


Ij2  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

order.  He  did  not  come  there  to  search  for  them. 
If  he  had  not  been  recalled,  he  might  have  done 
much  damage  on  Gen.  Lee's  line  of  communication, 
as  it  was  entirely  uncovered.  In  fact,  there  was 
no  Confederate  force  between  him  and  Richmond. 
When  afterward,  Gen.  Hooker,  before  the  committee 
on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  criticised  the  authorities 
at  Washington  so  severely  for  keeping  this  large 
force  to  watch  my  small  one,  he  had  forgotten  that 
he  had  done  the  same  thing  himself.1  In  a  letter 
to  Stuart,  dated  June  23,  1863,  5  P.M.,  Gen.  Lee 
refers  with  some  uneasiness  to  this  expedition  of 
Stahel.  He  did  not  know  at  the  time  that  Stahel 
had  gone  back.  In  an  interview  I  had  with  Stuart 
on  my  return,  we  discussed  the  best  route  for  him 
to  go  into  Maryland.  As  I  knew  all  the  roads,  as 
well  as  the  location  of  each  corps  of  the  enemy, 
that  were  all  wide  apart,  I  thought  he  ought  to  go 
through  an  unguarded  gap  of  the  Bull  Run  moun 
tain,  and,  cutting  his  way  right  through  the  middle 

1  \_Telegr  am. ~\ 

GAINSVILLE,  11  A.M.,  June  23,  1863. 

STAHEL  to  BUTTERFIELD,  Chief  of  Staff  to  Hooker :  Your  order  to 
return  without  delay  received  through  Maj.-Gen.  Hancock,  after  mid 
night;  made  arrangements  at  once,  and  my  advance  arrived  here  from 
Warrenton  this  morning  at  8  o'clock.  ...  In  accordance  with  your 
order,  I  shall  scout  the  whole  country,  from  Bull  Run  mountain  toward 
Fairfax  Court  House,  and  have  ordered  the  rest  of  my  command  and 
my  train  to  Fairfax,  where  I  shall  report  personally  to  you. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


173 


of  the  Union  army,  cross  the  Potomac  at  Sen 
eca.1  It  was  the  shortest  route  he  could  go  into 
Maryland,  and  there  was  a  splendid  opportunity  to 
destroy  Hooker's  transportation  as  he  went  along, 
and  to  cut  off  communication  between  Washington 
and  the  North.  The  plan  was  at  that  time  per 
fectly  practicable.  Hooker  was  in  a  defensive  atti 
tude,  waiting  the  development  of  Lee's  plans,  and 
only  a  small  portion  of  the  cavalry  was  necessary 
to  be  held  in  our  front  to  observe  the  enemy  and 
report  their  movements  to  the  commanding  general. 
The  plan  was  to  leave  two  brigades  of  cavalry  about 
Middleburg  to  do  this  work,  while  Stuart,  with  three 
brigades,  should  pass  through  Hooker's  army  into 
Maryland.  The  brigades  selected  to  be  left  behind 
were  those  of  Jones  and  Beverly  H.  Robertson,  un 
der  command  of  the  latter,  who  happened  to  be  the 
ranking  officer.  They  numbered  over  3000  men, 
and  exceeded  in  strength  the  three  that  Stuart  took 
with  him. 

As  Hancock's  corps  was  holding  Hopewell  and 
Thoroughfare  gaps,  the  road  that  Stuart  determined 
to  go  was  through  Glasscock's  gap  (a  few  miles  south 
of  Thoroughfare)  via  Haymarket,  through  Loudoun 

1  It  now  appears  from  their  correspondence  that  Stuart,  Longstreet, 
and  Gen.  Lee  had  already  been  discussing  the  feasibility  of  his  going 
this  route. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

to  Seneca  ford  on  the  Potomac.  The  part  assigned 
to  me  was  to  cross  the  Bull  Run  at  night  by  the 
bridle  path  I  had  so  frequently  travelled,  and,  uniting 
with  Stuart  near  Gum  Spring  in  Loudoun,  take  com 
mand  of  his  advance  guard.  Hooker's  headquarters 
were  still  at  Fairfax  station,  with  his  army  spread 
out  like  a  fan  over  Loudoun,  Prince  William  and 
Fairfax  counties,  his  left  being  at  Thoroughfare,  his 
right  at  Leesburg,  with  his  centre  at  Aldie,  and 
Pleasanton's  cavalry  in  front  of  it.  Stuart's  plan,  of 
course,  contemplated  his  crossing  of  the  river  in 
advance  of  Hooker  or  Lee,  and  opening  communica 
tion  with  Ewell  as  soon  as  he  was  over.  During 
our  interview  Gen.  Hampton  and  Fitz  Lee  came 
into  the  room,  and  soon  afterward  Stuart  started  a 
courier  off  to  Gen.  Lee.  I  have  been  informed  by 
one  of  his  staff  that  he  rode  over  to  Berryville  that 
day  to  have  a  personal  interview  with  the  command 
ing  general.  Before  we  parted,  he  told  me  that 
Gen.  Lee  was  very  apprehensive  that  Hooker  would 
steal  a  march  and  get  into  Maryland  ahead  of  him, 
and  asked  me  to  go  and  find  out  if  any  portion  of 
his  army  was  crossing  the  river.  Although  I  had 
been  almost  continuously  in  the  saddle  for  three  days 
and  nights,  I  agreed  to  return  inside  of  Hooker's 
lines.  With  only  two  men  I  crossed  the  Bull  Run 
again  that  night,  and  early  the  next  morning  was 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  if$ 

riding  in  full  Confederate  uniform  through  the 
Union  army. 

I  soon  sent  Stuart  a  despatch  that  I  was  certain 
Hooker's  army  was  not  in  motion.  Proceeding  some 
distance  down  the  pike  with  my  single  companion, 
we  had  stopped  to  talk  with  a  citizen,  when  four 
lieutenants  belonging  to  the  3d  corps,  that  was 
camped  near  by,  walked  up  to  us.  There  was  a 
drizzling  rain,  and  we  had  waterproofs  thrown  over 
our  shoulders.  As  they  were  in  full  view  of  their 
camps,  they  had  no  suspicion  of  danger  and  were 
without  arms.  After  talking  with  them  for  some 
minutes,  they  were  stunned  by  a  demand  for  their 
surrender.  I  sent  them  back  under  guard  of  one 
man,  with  another  despatch  to  Stuart.  I  then  rode 
on  alone  down  into  Fairfax,  where  I  met  some  of  my 
old  acquaintances,  who  thought  when  they  first  saw 
me  that  it  was  my  ghost. 

Having  learned  all  about  the  situation  of  Hooker's 
army,  I  started  back.  I  stopped  at  the  house  of 
John  I.  Coleman  to  inquire  the  shortest  way  to  the 
pike.  It  was  the  first  time  he  ever  saw  me,  and, 
although  I  showed  him  my  gray  uniform  and  star, 
he  thought  I  was  trying  to  play  a  Yankee  trick  on 
him,  and  refused  to  tell  me  anything.  While  we 
were  talking,  I  heard  a  noise  behind  me.  Turning 
around,  I  saw  two  mounted  men  approaching  us. 


176  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

When  within  about  fifty  yards,  they  stopped,  and  be 
gan  picking  cherries  from  a  tree.  I  drew  my  pistol, 
but  kept  it  under  my  gum  cloth,  and  rode  up  to  them. 
They  never  suspected  that  I  was  an  enemy.  I  asked 
them  where  they  were  from ;  they  answered  that 
they  were  on  duty  with  Reynolds'  corps  that  was 
camped  near  by  at  Guilford.  They  had  no  arms ; 
so,  of  course,  had  to  surrender.  When  Coleman  saw 
this  affair,  he  was  more  convinced  than  ever  that  I 
was  a  Yankee  dressed  up  in  gray.  I  had  to  get  to 
the  pike  the  best  way  I  could.  So  I  tied  the  heads 
of  my  prisoners'  horses  together  with  their  halters, 
to  keep  them  from  running  away,  and  went  on. 

It  was  near  sunset  when  I  came  in  sight  of  the 
pike,  about  four  miles  below  Aldie.  There  was  a 
wagon  train  a  mile  or  so  in  length  passing  on  the 
road,  with  a  strong  cavalry  guard,  that  was  carrying 
supplies  to  the  troops  above.  I  was  anxious  to  get 
to  Stuart  that  night,  and  knew  that  if  I  waited  for 
the  train  to  pass,  it  would  be  dark,  and  I  could  not 
find  the  mountain  path.  So  I  drew  my  pistol,  held 
it  under  cover,  and  told  my  prisoners  that  if  they 
spoke  a  word  they  would  be  dead  men.  I  then  rode, 
with  them  by  my  side,  through  a  gap  in  the  fence 
into  the  pike,  right  among  the  Union  cavalry.  We 
could  not  cross  over  at  that  point,  as  the  fence  on 
the  other  side  of  the  road  was  too  high  for  our 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  \>jj 

horses  to  leap.  We  went  along  for  200  yards,  with 
my  prisoners,  through  the  wagon  train  and  cavalry 
escort,  until  we  got  to  a  road  leading  away  from  the 
pike.  Here  we  turned  off.  The  gum  cloth  I  had 
over  my  shoulders  to  protect  me  from  the  rain,  as 
it  did  not  cover  one-third  of  my  body,  did  not  con 
ceal  the  uniform  I  wore.  I  had  ridden  through  the 
ranks  of  a  column  of  Union  cavalry  in  broad  day 
light,  with  two  prisoners,  and  my  elbow  had  actually 
struck  against  one  as  I  passed.  In  doing  so  I  had 
acted  on  the  maxim  of  Danton  —  Audace,  toujours 
audace.  Finding  that  I  could  not  reach  the  moun 
tain  before  night,  and  fearing  to  go  to  sleep  in  the 
woods  alone  with  my  prisoners,  I  took  their  paroles 
and  sent  them  back  to  their  friends.  Of  course,  I 
kept  their  horses.  Early  the  next  morning  I  was 
again  at  Stuart's  headquarters.1 

1  Stuart's  report  says :  "  .  .  .  I  resumed  my  own  position  now,  at 
Rector's  cross  roads,  and  being  in  constant  communication  with  the 
commanding  general,  had  scouts  busily  employed  watching  and  report 
ing  the  enemy's  movements,  and  reporting  the  same  to  the  commanding 
general.  In  this  difficult  search  the  fearless  and  indefatigable  Maj. 
Mosby  was  particularly  active  and  efficient.  His  information  was 
always  accurate  and  reliable." 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

OTUART  had  now  received  his  final  instructions 
^  from  General  Lee,  authorizing  him  to  move  into 
Maryland,  around  the  rear  of  the  enemy  and  between 
him  and  Washington.  He  was  likewise  instructed 
to  do  them  all  the  damage  he  could  on  his  way. 
With  his  transportation  destroyed  and  communica 
tions  broken,  Hooker  would  be  seriously  embarrassed 
in  pursuing  General  Lee,  or  probably  forced  to  fall 
back  for  supplies,  or  to  defend  the  capital  against 
this  demonstration.  In  the  meantime,  while  Hooker 
was  thus  delayed,  the  Confederates  would  have  been 
levying  contributions  on  the  farmers  in  Pennsyl 
vania.  His  original  plan,  which  was  bold  in  concep 
tion  and  perfectly  practicable  in  execution,  was 
thwarted  by  an  event  which  he  could  not  control. 
It  was  obvious  now  that  Hooker  would  not  initiate 
any  movement,  but  would  confine  himself  to  covering 
the  capital  and  observing  his  adversary.  It  was 
equally  plain  that  when  the  Confederate  army  made 
a  move  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  Hooker  would  make 
a  corresponding  one  on  the  east.  It  was,  therefore, 
all  important  for  the  success  of  Stuart's  movement 
that  the  status  quo  of  the  two  armies  should  be  pre- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

served  until  he  could  get  through  Hooker's  army  to 
the  river,  when  it  would  be  too  late  for  Hooker  to 
take  any  step  to  defeat  it.  The  distance  was  not 
more  than  twenty  miles  to  the  Potomac  from  the  point 
where  he  would  enter  Hooker's  lines  ;  and  this  could 
be  got  over  between  sunrise  and  sundown,  as  he  in 
tended  to  march  in  three  parallel  columns.  He  knew 
the  country  well,  and  the  position  of  each  corps ;  and 
it  would  have  been  easy  enough  for  him  to  flank  them. 
Before  Pleasanton  could  have  got  ready  to  follow  the 
blazing  meteor,  it  would  have  been  out  of  sight. 
The  three  brigades  that  were  to  accompany  Stuart 
were  quietly  withdrawn  from  Pleasanton' s  front  on 
the  evening  of  June  24,  and  marched  in  a  southerly 
direction  to  their  rendezvous  at  Salem.  Those  of 
Jones  and  Robertson  were  put  in  the  position  they 
had  held  about  Middleburg,  and,  of  course,  were 
charged  with  the  ordinary  duty  of  cavalry  on  a  post 
of  observation.  As  Gen.  Stuart  says  in  his  re 
port,  "Robertsons  and  Jones  s  brigades,  itnder  com 
mand  of  the  former,  were  left  in  observation  of  the 
enemy,  on  the  usual  front  (about  Middleburg},  with 
full  instructions  as  to  following  of  the  enemy,  in  case 
of  withdrawal,  and  joining  our  main  army''  An 
order  to  a  cavalry  officer  to  observe  an  enemy,  of 
course  implies  that  he  is  to  report  what  he  sees  ; 
otherwise,  there  is  no  use  in  his  observing.  Stuart 
left  behind  a  force  of  over  3000  cavalry,  which 


MOSBY'S    IV AR  REMINISCENCES. 

was  amply  sufficient  for  every  purpose.  By  day 
break,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  his  column 
debouched  through  Glassock's  Gap,  in  the  Bull  Run, 
and  proceeded  towards  Haymarket.  At  the  same 
time  I  started  across  by  the  route  I  had  been 
travelling  for  a  week,  to  connect  with  him  at  the 
appointed  place.  We  had  stopped  at  a  spring  on 
the  mountain  side  to  make  our  breakfast  on  some 
sutlers'  stores  that  had  been  saved  from  our  cap 
tives.  Two  men  had  been  sent  forward  on  a  picket ; 
but  they  had  scarcely  got  a  hundred  yards  before 
a  volley  was  fired ;  and  the  bullets  whistled  all 
around  us.  We  sprang  upon  our  horses ;  but,  as 
the  men  did  not  return,  we  knew  that  they  must 
have  been  killed  or  captured.  General  Meade, 
whose  camps  were  near  by,  had  prepared  an  am 
buscade  a  second  time  for  me,  but  I  had  escaped. 
(I  wonder  if  he  would  have  called  this  bushwhack 
ing^)  We  made  a  detour  around  them,  and  hurried 
on  to  join  Stuart ;  as  we  could  hear  his  cannon  about 
Haymarket.  It  seems  that  when  Stuart  got  there, 
he  found  the  roads  on  which  he  intended  to  march 
that  day  occupied  by  Hancock's  corps,  that  had 
broken  up  camp  that  morning,  and  was  moving 
towards  the  Potomac.  When  I  got  to  the  Little 
River  Pike,  about  eight  miles  below  Aldie,  which 
was  to  be  our  point  of  junction,  instead  of  meeting 
him  we  struck  the  head  of  Hancock's  column.  His 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  i$i 

divisions  were  marching  on  every  road.  I  spent  the 
day  and  night  riding  about  among  them,  and  with 
great  difficulty  extricated  myself  from  the  dilemma 
in  which  I  was  placed.  I  could  not  find  out  where 
Stuart  was,  nor  he  where  I  was  ;  for  Hancock  was 
between  us.  So  I  retraced  my  steps  and  went  on 
to  Pennsylvania  through  the  Shenandoah  Valley, 
passing  General  Robertson's  command,  that  was 
quietly  resting  in  Ashby's  and  Snicker's  Gaps,  in 
the  Blue  Ridge,  after  the  enemy  retired  on  the 
26th.  Pleasanton  that  day  had  moved  by  his  flank, 
across  General  Robertson's  front,  to  Leesburg,  to 
cover  the  crossing  of  Hooker's  army.  Why  he 
should  have  halted  and  remained  idle  three  days 
in  the  gaps  of  the  Blue  Ridge  in  Virginia  after 
both  armies  had  marched  into  Pennsylvania  is  a 
mystery  that  has  never  been  satisfactorily  explained. 
If  there  were  any  sound  military  reasons  for  his 
staying  there  three  days,  there  were  equally  as  sound 
ones  for  his  not  leaving  at  all.  His  proper  position 
was  on  General  Lee's  flank,  next  to  the  enemy,  in 
order  to  protect  his  rear  and  to  keep  him  informed  of 
their  movement. 

If  General  Robertson  had  then  in  obedience  to 
General  Lee's  and  Stuart's  instructions,  promptly 
followed  the  enemy  along  the  base  of  South  Moun 
tain  through  Boonsboro,  the  Confederate  cavalry 
might  easily  have  reached  Gettysburg  in  advance  of 


l$2  MQSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  Federal  troops.  In  this  event,  there  would  not 
have  been  the  accidental  collision  of  armies.  Gen 
eral  Lee  would  have  fought  a  defensive  battle,  and 
Gettysburg  might  have  been  to  Southern  hearts 
something  more  than  "a  glorious  field  of  grief." 
Even  as  it  was,  Stuart's  movement  around  his  rear 
had  so  confused  General  Meade,  that  his  army  was 
more  scattered  than  ours,  and  two  of  his  corps  in  the 
first  day's  fight,  were  caught  in  delicto  and  crushed. 
He  was  looking  for  Lee  on  the  Susquehanna,  when 
in  fact  he  was  concentrating  on  Gettysburg. 

On  account  of  Hancock's  unexpected  movement, 
Stuart  had  been  compelled  to  make  a  wider  circuit 
than  he  had  intended,  and  did  not  cross  the  Potomac 
until  the  night  of  the  twenty-seventh,  the  day  after 
Hooker  got  over.  He  thence  moved  northerly  to 
wards  the  Susquehanna,  to  put  himself  on  Ewell's 
flank  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  General 
Lee.  But  owing  to  the  derangement  of  his  plans  by 
the  advance  of  the  Union  army,  without  General 
Robertson  having  given  him  notice  of  it,  Ewell  had 
been  recalled,  and  Stuart  did  not  join  the  army  until 
July  the  second,  at  Gettysburg,  when  the  battle  was 
raging.  But  Robertson's  command  had  not  even 
then  come  up.  This  movement  of  Stuart's  around 
the  rear  of  Hooker's  army  has  been  condemned  by 
General  Long,  the  military  secretary  and  biogra 
pher  of  General  Lee,  as  having  been  undertaken 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^3 

either  "from  misapprehension  of  his  instructions,  or 
love  of  the  eclat  of  a  bold  raid  "  (which,  of  course, 
implies  disobedience  of  orders)  ;l  and  General  Long- 
street  says  that  as  he  was  leaving  the  Blue  Ridge,  he 
instructed  Stuart  to  follow  him  down  the  Valley,  and 
cross  the  Potomac  at  Shepherdstown,  but  that  Stuart 
replied  that  he  had  discretionary  powers  from  Gen 
eral  Lee  where  to  cross  the  Potomac. 

When  this  charge  was  made  against  Stuart,  both 
the  critics  were  viewing  his  movement  in  the  light  of 

1In  the  "Memoirs  of  General  Lee,"  p.  271,  General  Long  says: 
"  Previous  to  the  passage  of  the  Potomac,  General  Stuart  was  instructed 
to  make  the  movements  of  the  cavalry  correspond  with  those  of  the 
Federal  army,  so  that  he  might  be  in  position  to  observe  and  report  all 
important  information.  In  the  performance  of  this  duty  Stuart  had 
never  failed,  and  probably  his  great  confidence  in  him  made  Lee  less 
specific  in  his  instructions  than  he  would  otherwise  have  been.  But  on 
this  occasion  either  from  the  misapprehension  of  instructions  or  the  love 
of  the  eclat  of  a  bold  raid,  Stuart,  instead  of  maintaining  his  appropri 
ate  position  between  the  armies,  placed  himself  on  the  right  flank  of 
the  enemy,  where  his  communication  with  Lee  was  effectually  severed. 
This  greatly  embarrassed  the  movements  of  General  Lee,  and  eventu 
ally  forced  him  to  an  engagement  under  disadvantageous  circumstances." 

In  the  Century  Magazine,  General  Longstreet,  in  his  article  on 
Gettysburg,  says :  "  When  Hill  with  his  troops  and  well-supplied  trains 
had  passed  my  rear,  I  was  ordered  to  withdraw  from  the  Blue  Ridge, 
pass  over  to  the  west  of  the  Shenandoah  and  to  follow  the  movements 
of  the  other  troops,  only  to  cross  the  Potomac  at  Williamsport.  I  or 
dered  Gen.  Stuart,  whom  I  considered  under  my  command,  to  occupy 
the  gaps  with  a  part  of  his  cavalry  and  to  follow  with  his  main  force  on 
my  right,  to  cross  the  Potomac  at  Shepherdstown,  and  move  on  my  right 
flank.  Upon  giving  him  this  order,  he  informed  me  that  he  had  au 
thority  from  Gen.  Lee  to  occupy  the  gaps  with  a  part  of  his  cavalry, 
and  to  follow  the  Federal  army  with  the  remainder.  At  the  same  time 
he  expressed  his  purpose  of  crossing  the  river  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge 


1 84  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  disaster  to  our  arms  at  Gettysburg,  and  it  was 
more  agreeable  to  put  the  blame  of  it  on  a  dead  man 
than  a  living  one.  General  Long,  who  had  access  to 
the  Confederate  archives,  may  plead  the  blindness 
with  which  he  is  afflicted  as  an  excuse  for  his  error, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  that  General  Longstreet  has 
forgotten  that  his  own  letter  to  Stuart  contradicts 
his  statement. 

Gen.    Lee   made   two   reports   of   this    campaign ; 

and  trying  to  make  way  around  the  right  of  the  Federal  army;  so  I 
moved  my  troops  independent  of  the  cavalry,  following  my  orders, 
crossed  at  Williamsport,  come  up  with  A.  P.  Hill  in  Maryland,  and  we 
moved  on  thence  to  Chambersburg."  .  .  .  "On  the  3Oth  of  June  we 
turned  our  faces  toward  our  enemy  and  marched  upon  Gettysburg. 
The  third  corp,  under  Hill,  moved  out  first,  and  my  command  followed. 
We  then  found  ourselves  in  a  very  unusual  condition :  we  were  almost 
in  the  immediate  presence  of  the  enemy  with  our  cavalry  gone.  Stuart 
was  undertaking  another  wild  ride  around  the  Federal  army.  We 
knew  nothing  of  Meade's  movements  further  than  the  report  my  scout 
had  made.  We  did  not  know,  except  by  surmises,  when  or  where  to 
expect  to  find  Meade,  nor  whether  he  was  lying  in  wait  or  advancing." 
Gen.  Longstreet  will  find  it  difficult  to  reconcile  what  he  now  says 
were  his  orders  to  the  cavalry  with  his  letter  to  Stuart,  or  the  following 
one  to  Gen.  Lee : 

HEADQUARTERS,  June  22,  1863,  7.30  P.M. 
GEN.  R.  E.  LEE, 

Comdg.,  &»c. 

GENERAL  :  —  Yours  of  4  O'C.  this  afternoon  is  rec'd.  I  have  for 
warded  your  letters  to  Gen.  Stuart  with  the  suggestion  that  he  pass  by 
the  enemy's  rear,  if  he  thinks  that  he  may  get  through.  We  have  noth 
ing  of  the  enemy  to-day.  Most  respectfully, 

J.  LONGSTREET, 

Lt.-Genl.,  Comdg. 

So  it  appears  that  it  was  Gen.  Longstreet  who  suggested  to  Stuart 
the  idea  of  "  another  wild  ride  around  the  Federal  army." 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^5 

one  written  in  July,  1863,  a  few  weeks  after  the  battle ; 
and  a  more  detailed  one  in  January,  1864.  There  is 
a  slight  color  of  truth  in  the  imputation  cast  upon 
Stuart  that  Gen.  Lee  intended  to  censure  him  in 
his  report.  But  this  is  owing  to  a  false  interpretation 
given  to  it  by  persons  who  have  construed  a  single 
sentence  literally,  and  not  in  connection  with  others 
that  qualify  and  explain  it.1  Gen.  Lee  does  say: 

1  General  Lee  says :  "  In  the  meantime,  the  progress  of  Ewell,  who 
was  already  in  Maryland  with  Jenkin's  cavalry,  advanced  into  Penn 
sylvania  as  far  as  Chambersburg,  rendered  it  necessary  that  the  rest  of 
the  army  should  be  within  supporting  distance,  and  Hill  having  reached 
the  Valley,  Longstreet  was  withdrawn  to  the  west  side  of  the  Shenan- 
doah,  and  the  two  corps  encamped  near  Berryville. 

"  General  Stuart  was  directed  to  hold  the  mountain-passes  with  part 
of  his  command  as  long  as  the  enemy  remained  south  of  the  Potomac ', 
and  with  the  remainder  to  cross  into  Maryland  and  place  himself  on 
the  right  of  General  Ewell.  Upon  the  suggestion  of  the  former  officer, 
that  he  could  damage  the  enemy  and  delay  his  passage  of  the  river  by 
getting  in  his  rear,  he  was  authorized  to  do  so,  and  it  was  left  to  his 
discretion  whether  to  enter  Maryland  east  or  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge; 
but  he  was  instructed  to  lose  no  time  in  placing  his  command  on  the 
right  of  our  column  as  soon  as  he  perceived  the  enemy  moving  north 
ward. 

******** 

"  It  was  expected  that  as  soon  as  the  Federal  army  should  cross  the 
Potomac,  General  Stuart  would  give  notice  of  its  movements  ;  and, 
nothing  having  been  heard  from  him  since  our  entrance  into  Mary 
land,  it  was  inferred  that  the  enemy  had  not  left  Virginia.  Orders 
were  therefore  issued  to  move  on  Harrisburg. 

"The  expedition  of  General  Early  to  York  was  designed  in  part  to 
prepare  for  this  undertaking,  by  breaking  the  railroad  between  Bal 
timore  and  Harrisburg,  and  seizing  the  bridge  over  the  Susquehanna 
at  Wrightsville. 

******** 

"The  advance  against  Harrisburg  was  arrested  by  intelligence  re 
ceived  from  a  scout  on  the  night  of  the  28th,  to  the  effect  that  the 


1 86  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

"  It  was  expected  that  as  soon  as  the  Federal  army 
should  cross  the  Potomac,  Gen.  Stuart  would  give 
notice  of  its  movements,  and  nothing  having  been 
heard  from  him  since  our  entrance  into  Maryland,  it 
was  inferred  that  the  enemy  had  not  yet  left  Virginia. 
Orders  were  therefore  issued  to  move  on  Harrisburg." 
Now  if  all  that  Gen.  Lee  says  in  his  report  about 

army  of  General  Hooker  had  crossed  the  Potomac  and  was  approach- 
ing  the  mountains.  In  the  absence  of  the  cavalry  it  was  impossible 
to  ascertain  his  intentions;  but  to  deter  him  from  advancing  farther 
west  and  intercepting  our  communications  with  Virginia,  it  was  deter 
mined  to  concentrate  the  army  east  of  the  mountains. 

******** 
"  The  movement  of  the  army  preceding  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  had 
been  much  embarrassed  by  the  absence  of  the  cavalry.  As  sbon  as 
it  was  known  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  into  Maryland,  orders  were 
sent  to  the  brigades  of  [B.  H.]  Robertson  and  [Wm.  E.]  Jones, 
which  had  been  left  to  guard  the  passes  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  to  rejoin 
the  army  without  delay,  and  it  was  expected  that  General  Stuart,  with 
the  remainder  of  his  command,  would  soon  arrive.  In  the  exercise 
of  the  discretion  given  him  when  Longstreet  and  Hill  marched  into 
Maryland,  General  Stuart  determined  to  pass  around  the  rear  of  the 
Federal  army,  with  three  brigades,  and  cross  the  Potomac  between  it 
and  Washington,  believing  that  by  that  route  he  would  be  able  to 
place  himself  on  our  right  flank  in  time  to  keep  us  properly  advised 
of  the  enemy's  movements.  He  marched  from  Salem  on  the  night 
of  June  24th,  intending  to  pass  west  of  Centreville,  but  found  the 
enemy's  forces  so  distributed  as  to  render  that  route  impracticable. 
Adhering  to  his  original  plan,  he  was  forced  to  make  a  wide  detour 
through  Buckland  and  Brentsville,  and  crossed  the  Occoquan  at  Wolf 
Run  Shoals  on  the  morning  of  the  27th.  Continuing  his  march 
through  Fairfax  Court  House  and  Drainesville,  he  arrived  at  the  Poto 
mac  below  the  mouth  of  Seneca  Creek  in  the  evening.  He  found 
the  river  much  swollen  by  the  recent  rains,  but  after  great  exertion 
gained  the  Maryland  shore,  before  midnight,  with  his  whole  command. 
He  now  ascertained  that  the  whole  Federal  army,  which  he  had  dis 
covered  to  be  drawing  towards  the  Potomac,  had  crossed  the  day  be- 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Stuart's  cavalry  is  read,  together  as  a  whole,  it  is 
apparent  that  in  the  sentence  above  quoted,  he  uses 
Stuarts  name  not  in  a  personal  sense,  but  descriptive 
of  his  cavalry  corps,  for  in  another  place  he  says  that 
Stuart  had  been  directed  to  divide  his  cavalry,  leaving 
a  portion  to  watch  the  enemy  in  front  of  the  mountain 
passes  in  Virginia,  and  "  with  the  remainder  to  cross 
into  Maryland  and  place  himself  on  the  right  of  Gen. 
Ewell,"  who  was  marching  on  Harrisburg.1 

Clearly  Gen.  Lee  did  not  intend  to  involve  him 
self  in  the  contradiction  of  saying  that  he  expected 
Stuart  personally  to  perform  at  the  same  time  the 
double  duty  of  watching  Hooker  along  the  Potomac, 

fore,  and  was  moving  towards  Fredericktown,  thus  interposing  itself 
between  him  and  our  forces. 

******** 

"  Robertson's  and  Jones's  brigades  arrived  on  July  3d,  and  were  sta 
tioned  upon  our  right  flank.  The  severe  loss  sustained  by  the  army, 
and  the  reduction  of  its  ammunition,  rendered  another  attempt  to  dis 
lodge  the  enemy  inadvisable,  and  it  was  therefore  determined  upon 
to  withdraw." 

1  Stuart  has  been  criticised  for  carrying  into  our  lines  a  train  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  wagons,  which  he  captured  in  Maryland,  with 
supplies  for  Hooker,  on  account  of  the  delay  it  produced  in  joining 
Gen.  Lee.  But  the  expedition  has  been  condemned,  not  as  an  indepen 
dent  raid,  but  because  it  is  said  that  it  deprived  Gen.  Lee  of  his  cav 
alry,  which  ought  to  have  given  him  notice  of  Hooker's  advance  into 
Pennsylvania.  But  as  Gen.  Lee  actually  received  notice  of  it  on  the 
very  night  that  Stuart  crossed  the  Potomac,  it  is  hard  to  see  what  harm 
was  done  by  taking  the  wagons  with  him.  And  I  have  shown  that 
Stuart  left  with  Gen.  Lee  sufficient  cavalry  to  do  the  work  of  guarding 
his  flank  and  observing  the  enemy. 


X88  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

and  guarding  Ewell's  flank  on  the  Susquehanna.1 
Gen.  Lee  in  thus  referring  to  Stuart  was  somewhat 
careless  and  inaccurate  in  his  language,  as  he  was 
when,  in  describing  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  he  said 
that  Robertson's  command  arrived  on  July  3d, 
when,  in  fact,  it  never  got  nearer  than  Cashtown, 
some  eight  miles  from  the  battle-field.  But  Gen. 
Lee  is  explicit  in  saying,  in  his  report,  that  he  gave 
Stuart  full  authority  to  make  the  movement  around 
the  enemy's  rear.  Among  the  Confederate  archives 
in  Washington,  I  have  at  last  found  in  Gen.  Lee's 
confidential  letter-book  his  final  instructions  to  Stuart, 
which  have  never  been  published,  which  must  set 
this  controverted  question  at  rest  forever.  At  the 
time  when  they  were  written,  Gen.  Lee's  head 
quarters  were  at  Berryville.  They  are  dated  June 
23,  1863,  5  P.M. 

In  them  Gen.  Lee  presents  to  Stuart  the  alterna 
tive  of  crossing  the  Potomac  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge 
at  Shepherdstown  and  moving  over  to  Frederick,  Md., 
or,  "you  will,  however,  be  able  to  judge  whether  you 
can  pass  around  their  army  without  hindrance,  doing 

1  So  far  as  keeping  Gen.  Lee  informed  of  Hooker's  movements  is 
concerned,  it  was  immaterial  whether  Stuart  crossed  east  or  west  of 
the  Ridge.  In  either  event  he  would  have  been  separated  from  Gen. 
Lee  and  unable  to  watch  the  line  of  the  Potomac.  Stuart  was  ordered 
to  take  three  brigades  to  the  Susquehanna  and  to  leave  two  behind 
him  to  watch  Hooker.  He  was  simply  given  discretion  as  to  the  point 
of  crossing  the  Potomac.  He  is  not  responsible  for  the  division  of  his 
command. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

them  all  the  damage  you  cany  and  cross  the  river  east 
of  the  mountains.  In  either  case,  after  crossing  the 
river,  you  must  move  on  and  feel  the  right  of  E well's 
troops,  collecting  information,  provisions,  etc''  In  a 
letter  to  Stuart  dated  June  22,  he  had  said  :  "  If  you 
find  that  he  is  moving  northward,  and  that  two  brig 
ades  can  guard  the  Blue  Ridge  and  take  care  of  your 
rear,  you  can  move  with  the  other  three  into  Maryland 
and  take  position  on  General  Ewell' s  right,  place  your 
self  in  communication  with  him,  guard  his  flank  and 
keep  him  informed  of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  col 
lect  all  the  supplies  you  can  for  the  use  of  the  army. 
One  column  of  General  Ewell ' s  army  will  probably 
move  towards  the  Susquehanna  by  the  Emmetsburg 
route,  another  by  Chambersburg."  The  intention  of 
General  Lee  clearly  was  that  Stuart  with  one  portion 
of  the  cavalry  was  to  guard  Ewell' s  flank  and  give 
him  information  of  the  enemy.  The  other  was  to  be 
left1  behind,  as  he  says  in  his  report,  "to  hold  the 

1  On  June  22,  1863,  3.30  P.M.  Gen.  Lee,  writing  from  Berry ville, 
Va.,  to  Ewell,  who  was  then  about  Hagerstown,  Md.,  says : 

"  My  letter  of  to-day,  authorizing  you  to  move  toward  the  Susque 
hanna,  I  hope  has  reached  you  ere  this.  I  have  also  directed  Gen. 
Stuart,  should  the  enemy  have  so  far  retired  from  his  front  as  to  per 
mit  of  the  departure  of  a  portion  of  the  cavalry,  to  march  with  three 
brigades  across  the  Potomac,  and  place  himself  on  your  right  and  in 
communication  with  you,  keep  you  advised  of  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  and  assist  in  collecting  supplies  for  the  army.  I  have  not 
heard  from  him  since."  As  Stuart  was  not  ubiquitous,  Gen.  Lee  must 
have  relied  on  the  cavalry  left  behind  to  do  for  him  what  he  intended 
that  Stuart  should  do  for  Ewell. 


190 


MOSBY^S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


mountain  passes  as  long  as  the  enemy  remained  south 
of  the  Potomac''1  To  suppose  that  Gen.  Lee  intended 
them  to  remain  there  after  the  enemy  had  gone  is  to 
suppose  that  he  was  not  only  unfit  to  command  an 
army,  but  even  a  corporal's  guard.  It  is  clear  that  he 
intended  the  two  brigades  under  Robertson  to  per 
form  the  same  service  for  the  column  of  Longstreet 
and  Hill  (with  whom  he  had  his  headquarters)  as 
Stuart  was  to  do  for  Ewell,  who  was  separated  from 
him.  When  these  two  corps  crossed  the  Potomac  on 
the  25th,  he  knew  that  Stuart  had  not  crossed  west  of 
the  Ridge  in  advance  of  them.  He  would  not  have 
committed  the  blunder  of  marching  all  his  infantry 
into  Pennsylvania  knowing  that  all  his  cavalry  was  in 
Virginia.  He  must,  therefore,  have  expected  for 
Stuart  to  cross  the  Potomac  on  the  same  day  to  the 
east  of  the  Ridge  ;  which  he  would  have  done  but  for 
Hancock's  movement.  Some  have  contended  that 
his  anxious  inquiries  for  Stuart  when  he  got  to  Cham- 
bersburg  prove  that  he  did  not  know  which  way  he 
had  gone.  They  only  show  that  he  did  not  know 
where  Stuart  was  at  that  time.  As  Stuart  had  been 
directed  to  open  communication,  as  soon  as  he  got 
into  Pennsylvania,  with  Ewell,  and  had  not  been  able 
to  do  so  on  account  of  the  Federal  army  getting 
between  them,  Gen.  Lee,  not  having  heard  from  him, 
very  naturally  felt  a  great  deal  of  solicitude  for  his 
safety.  If  Gen.  Lee  had  not  thought  that  he  would 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


191 


cross  the  Potomac  somewhere  on  the  same  day  that 
he  did,  he  would  have  waited  and  sent  for  him.  But 
again,  Gen.  Lee  would  not  assume  the  responsibility 
of  authorizing  Stuart  to  go  around  Hooker's  rear  un 
less  the  movement  had  the  approval  of  Gen.  Long- 
street,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Millwood,  not  far 
from  Berryville.  Gen.  Lee's  instructions  to  Stuart 
were  therefore  sent  through  Longstreet.  In  a  letter 
to  Stuart,  Longstreet  not  only  approves  of  Stuart's 
going  into  Maryland  around  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
but  opposes  his  going  the  other  route  through  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  dis^ 
close  their  plans  to  the  enemy.  In  concluding  his 
letter  he  says  : 

"  N.B.  —  /  think  that  your  passage  of  the  Potomac 
by  our  rear  at  the  present  moment  will  in  a  measure 
disclose  our  plans.  You  had  better  not  leave  us,  there 
fore,  unless  you  can  take  the  proposed  route  in  rear  of 
the  enemy."  By  "  our  rear"  Longstreet  meant  through 
the  Shenandoah  Valley.  The  reasons  he  gave  Stuart 
were  conclusive  in  favor  of  the  course  he  took.  It 
was  Gen.  Lee's  policy  to  detain  Hooker  as  long  as 
possible  in  Virginia.  But  if  Stuart  passed  to  the 
west  of  the  Ridge  and  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Shep- 
herdstown,  he  would  be  discovered  by  the  signal  sta 
tions  of  the  enemy  on  Maryland  heights.  This  would 
indicate,  of  course,  that  the  infantry  was  to  follow 
him.  On  the  contrary,  Hooker  would  interpret  a 


192          .     MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

movement  around  his  rear  as  nothing  more  than  a 
cavalry  raid,  and  it  would  be  a  mask  to  conceal  Lee's 
designs.  It  was  no  fault  of  Stuart's  that  he  was  un 
able  to  execute  his  plan. 

The  Count  of  Paris  says  that  it  was  impractica 
ble  from  the  first,  and  differed  in  its  condition  from 
his  other  operations  of  this  kind,  because  they  were 
undertaken  while  the  armies  were  both  stationary. 
Now,  at  the  time  when  Stuart  resolved  on  going 
into  Maryland  by  this  route,  both  armies  were  as 
stationary  as  when  he  rode  around  McClellan  on 
the  Chickahominy ;  and  Hooker  was  waiting  for  the 
Confederates  to  move.  But  it  could  not  be  expected 
for  Hooker  to  stand  still  while  his  adversary  was 
in  motion.  Now  it  so  happened  that  the  corps  of 
Longstreet  and  Hill  moved  from  Berryville  on  June 
24,  towards  the  Potomac,  which  they  crossed  the 
next  day,  Hill  at  Shepherdstown,  and  Longstreet  at 
Williamsport.1  Their  route  of  march  was  in  plain 
view  of  Maryland  Heights,  and  the  news  was  imme 
diately  telegraphed  from  there  by  General  Tyler. 

1   [Telegram.] 

MARYLAND  HEIGHTS,  June  24,  1863. 
H.  W.  HALLECK,   General-in-Chief:  — 

Longstreet's  corps,  which  camped  last  between  Berryville  and 
Charlestown,  is  to-day  in  motion  and  before  6  O.  C.  this  morning  com 
menced  crossing  by  the  ford  one  mile  below  Shepherdstown  to  Sharp- 
burg. 

GEN.  TYLER,  Brigadier- General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  ^3 

This  set  the  whole  of  Hooker's  army  in  motion,  on 
the  morning  of  the  25th,  for  the  Potomac.  About 
the  time,  therefore,  that  Stuart's  column  appeared 
on  the  eastern  side  of  Bull  Run,  on  the  morning 
of  the  25th,  Hancock  broke  up  camp  and  started 
on  the  same  road  that  Stuart  intended  to  march. 
Hancock  was  ahead  of  him,  and  had  the  right  of 
way.  Gen.  Longstreet  had  urged  Stuart  to  go  that 
route,  for  fear  that  if  he  went  through  .the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley,  the  plans  of  the  commanding  general 
would  be  disclosed  to  the  enemy. 

I  am  unable  to  understand  why  he  could  not  fore 
see  that  the  march  of  all  the  Confederate  infantry 
in  full  view  of  the  enemy  would  have  the  same  ef 
fect.  If  the  corps  of  Longstreet  and  Hill  had  de 
layed  a  single  day  in  leaving  Berryville,  Stuart  would 
have  landed  on  the  north  bank,  of  the  Potomac  on 
the  night  of  the  25th.  Hooker  would  then  have 
been  utterly  confounded.  Before  he  could  have 
made  up  his  mind  what  to  do,  the  Confederate  cav 
alry  would  have  been  watering  their  horses  in  the 
Susquehanna,  and  all  the  communications  between 
Washington  and  the  North  would  have  been  broken. 
But  now  to  return  to  the  cavalry  which  Stuart,  under 
Gen.  Lee's  orders,  had  left  in  front  of  the  enemy  in 
Virginia,  as  he  says,  "  to  observe  his  movements,  and 
follow  him  in  case  of  withdrawal"  Of  course,  this 
duty  could  not  be  discharged  without  keeping  in 


194 


MOSjBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


sight  of  the  enemy.  But  instead  of  following,  they 
fell  back  in  an  opposite  direction,  and  gave  no  in 
formation  to  Gen.  Lee  and  no  trouble  to  the  enemy. 
Gen.  Lee  says  that  on  the  night  of  the  28th  he 
heard  through  a  scout  that  had  come  in  that  Hooker 
was  over  the  river,  and  was  moving  north.  He  is 
mistaken  as  to  the  date,  as  there  is  a  letter  of  his 
to  Gen.  Ewell,  dated  Chambersburg,  June  28th, 
7.30  A.M.,  which  says,  "  I  wrote  you  last  night,  stat 
ing  that  Gen.  Hooker  was  reported  to  have  crossed 
the  Potomac,  and  is  advancing  by  way  of  Middle- 
town,  —  the  head  of  his  column  being  at  that  point 
in  Frederick  County,  Md."  He  directs  Ewell  to 
move  to  Gettysburg,  which  had  become  to  him  what 
Quatre  Bras  was  to  Wellington,  when  he  learned 
that  Napoleon  was  over  the  Sombre.  In  his  report 
of  the  campaign,  Gen.  Lee  says  that  as  soon  as  it 
was  known  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  into  Mary 
land,  orders  were  sent  to  Gen.  Robertson  to  rejoin 
the  army  " without  delay '."  The  very  fact  that  Gen. 
Lee  had  to  send  back  for  this  cavalry  shows  that 
it  was  in  the  wrong  place,  and  where  he  did  not  in 
tend  it  to  be.  In  his  instructions  to  Stuart,  when 
leaving,  he  had  said  :  "  Give  instructions  to  the  com 
mander  of  the  brigades  left  behind,  to  watch  the  flank 
and  rear  of  the  army,  and  (in  event  of  the  enemy  leav 
ing  their  front)  retire  from  the  mountains  west  of  the 
Shenandoak,  leaving  sufficient  pickets  to  guard  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  iy$ 

passes,  bringing  everything  clean  along  the  valley, 
close  upon  the  rear  of  the  army''  It  is  clear  that 
the  instructions  to  Gen.  Robertson  were  to  leave 
Virginia  when  the  enemy  left;  for  how  could  he 
otherwise  "  watch  the  flank  and  rear"  of  the  Con 
federate  army,  and  be  "close  upon"  it.  Gen.  Rob 
ertson  J  says  that  during  the  time  he  was  lying  in 
the  gaps  of  the  Virginia  mountains,  after  the  enemy 
had  crossed  the  river,  he  was  in  daily  communica 
tion  by  couriers  with  Gen.  Lee's  headquarters.3 
Then  so  much  the  worse  if  he  did  not  inform  him 
that  the  enemy  had  disappeared  from  his  front. 
The  inquiry  is  now  naturally  suggested,  What  did 
he  communicate? 

1  See  his  letter  of  Dec.  27,  1877,  in  Phila.  Times. 

2  Stuart's  report  says :    "  I  submitted  to  the  commanding  general 
the  plan  of  leaving  a  brigade  or  so  in  my  present  front,  and  passing 
through  Hopewell,  or  some  other  gap  in  the  Bull  Run  Mountain,  attain 
the  enemy's  rear,  passing   between   his  main  body  and  Washington, 
cross  into  Maryland,  joining  our  army  north  of  the  Potomac.     The 
commanding  general  wrote  to  me,  authorizing  this  move  if  I  deemed 
it  practicable,  and  also  what  instructions  should  be  given  the  officer 
left  in  command  of  the  two  brigades  left  in  front  of  the  enemy.     He 
also  notified  me  that  one  column  should  move  via  Gettysburg  and  the 
other  via   Carlisle   towards   the  Susquehanna,  and  directed  me,  after 
crossing,  to  proceed  with  all  dispatch  to  join  the  right  (Early)  of  the 

army  in  Pennsylvania. 

******** 

"  Robertson's  and  Jones's  brigades,  under  command  of  the  former, 
were  left  in  observation  of  the  enemy  on  the  usual  front,  with  full  in 
structions  as  to  following  up  the  enemy  in  case  of  withdrawal  and 
rejoining  our  main  army."  This  report  was  read  by  Gen.  Lee  and 
not  one  word  of  dissent  by  him  is  endorsed  on  it.  It  bears  his  initials 
in  pencil,  R.  E.  L.,  in  his  own  handwriting. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Again  he  says,  "  He  [Gen.  Lee]  was  fully  aware 
of  my  position  and  the  specific  duty  I  was  then  per 
forming."  But  what  that  specific  duty  was  no  one 
knows.  If  Gen.  Lee  ordered  him  to  remain  there 
unemployed,  then  he  could  blame  no  one  but  himself 
for  the  want  of  cavalry,  and  the  responsibility  would 
rest  on  him.1  But  the  fact  that  Gen.  Lee  sent  for 
him  to  join  the  army  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  the 
enemy  was  advancing  north,  is  proof  that  he  never 
intended  him  to  stay  in  Virginia  after  they  had  gone. 
Gen.  Lee  had  issued  orders  from  Chambersburg  for 
the  concentration  of  his  army  at  Gettysburg,  and  as 
he  says,  sent  back  for  Robertson's  command  to  join 
the  army  without  delay.  When  the  order  was  read, 
Gen.  Robertson  marched  his  two  brigades  that  night 
to  Berryville,  which  is  west  of  the  mountain,  on  a 
route  almost  parallel  and  in  an  opposite  direction 
from  Gettysburg,  which  is  east  of  it.  On  June  30, 
he  continued  his  westerly  and  circuitous  march  to  Mar- 
tinsburg,  and  on  July  I,  the  day  of  the  battle,  crossed 

1  Gen.  Robertson  says  that  when  he  received  Gen.  Lee's  order  he 
was  at  Ashby's  Gap  in  the  Blue  Ridge  in  Fauquier  County.  Jones's 
brigade  was  twelve  miles  farther  north,  at  Snicker's  Gap  in  Loudoun, 
and  joined  him  at  Berryville.  Stuart  had  placed  them  about  fifteen 
miles  to  the  front  of  the  Gaps  at  Middleburg  to  watch  the  enemy. 
After  he  left,  they  retired  to  the  mountain  and  rendered  Gen.  Lee  no 
more  service  while  there  than  if  they  had  been  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

There  are  reports  of  their  operations  on  file  from  all  the  brigade 
and  regimental  commanders  of  the  cavalry  in  this  campaign  except 
Gen.  Robertson,  who,  at  his  own  request,  was  relieved  of  his  command 
as  soon  as  he  returned  to  Virginia. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  Potomac  at  Williamsport.  If  he  had  crossed  at 
Shepherdstown  and  gone  to  Boonesboro,  he  might 
easily  have  reached  Gettysburg  after  receiving  Gen. 
Lee's  order  on  the  morning  of  July  i,  when  it  was 
held  by  Buford  with  only  two  brigades  of  cavalry. 
Gen.  Meade  had  sent  off  most  of  his  cavalry  in 
search  of  Stuart.  It  was  this  diversion  created  by 
Stuart  that  saved  Gen.  Lee's  communications  from 
attack.  Buford  was  too  weak  to  assume  the  offen 
sive.  On  June  24,  when  Gen.  Lee  moved  with 
Longstreet  and  Hill  down  the  Shenandoah  Valley, 
he  left  Gen.  Robertson's  command  between  him  and 
the  enemy.  On  July  3,  Gen.  Robertson  had  so 
manoeuvred  that  Gen.  Lee  had  got  between  him  and 
the  enemy.  Stuart  had  ridden  around  Gen.  Hooker 
while  Gen.  Robertson  rode  around  Gen.  Lee.  Sic 
itur  ad  astra. 

Since  the  above  was  written,  I  have  found  in  the 
archives  of  the  war  office  a  copy  of  Stuart's  orders  to 
Gen.  Robertson  when  leaving  Virginia ;  but  he  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  in  the  least  governed  by 
them.  They  confirm  all  I  have  said  as  to  the  duty 
required  of  the  cavalry  that  were  left  under  his  com 
mand.  Through  abundant  caution  Stuart  repeated 
them  to  Gen.  Jones.  He  was  instructed  to  watch 
the  enemy  and  report  their  movements  through  a 
line  of  relay  couriers  to  Gen.  Longstreet ;  and  when 
the  enemy  withdrew,  to  harass  his  rear  and  impede 


198 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


his  march,  and  follow  on  the  right  of  our  army. 
There  seems  to  have  been  no  effort  made  to  execute 
these  orders ;  for  both  Gens.  Lee  and  Longstreet  say 
that  no  intelligence  having  been  received  through 
the  cavalry  of  Hooker's  crossing  the  Potomac,  it  was 
supposed  that  he  was  still  south  of  it ;  while  Pleas- 
anton  says  that  he  never  had  a  skirmish  in  retiring. 
The  fact  that  Pleasanton's  calvary  corps  reached 
Leesburg  by  noon  of  the  26th  shows  that  they  must 
have  left  Gen.  Robertson's  front  at  Aldie  early  that 
morning.  In  a  despatch1  from  Leesburg  to  Hooker's 
headquarters  dated  June  26,  12.45  p-M->  ne  signifi 
cantly  says  that  all  is  quiet  towards  the  Blue  Ridge, 
and  that  only  a  few  calvary  videttes  were  seen  about 
Middleburg,  and  none  on  the  Snickersville  Pike.  If 
his  flank  and  rear  had  been  harassed,  all  would  not 
have  been  quiet.  Again,  Gen.  Robertson  was  di 
rected  to  keep  his  command  on  the  right  of  the  army 
and  in  contact  with  the  enemy  when  they  left,  in 

1  [  Telegram.'} 

LEESBURG,  [VA.],  12.45  PtM-» 
MAJOR-GEN.  BUTTERFIELD,  June  26,  1863. 

Headquarters,  A.  P. 

Have  just  arrived.  One  division  is  covering  the  flank  from  Aldie  to 
this  place  by  way  of  Mount  Gilead.  Three  brigades  of  Second  division 
are  covering  the  three  roads  from  Aldie  and  Gum  Springs.  All  quiet 
towards  the  Blue  Ridge.  Very  few  cavalry  pickets  seen  near  Middle- 
burg  this  morning.  None  in  the  Snicker's  Gap  pike. 

A.   PLEASANTON, 

Major-  General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  IC;g/ 

order  that  he  might  keep  the  commanding  general 
informed  of  their  movements. 

But  when  Gen.  Lee  had  sent  an  order  for  him  to 
come  on  and  join  the  army,  as  there  could  be  no 
reason  for  his  remaining  any  longer  in  Virginia  after 
the  enemy  had  left,  he  actually  followed  on  the  left 
and  crossed  the  Potomac  at  Williamsport.  Gen. 
Lee's  right  flank  was  thus  left  exposed  to  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  but  fortunately  they  had  nearly  all  been  sent 
in  search  of  Stuart.  If  the  pressure  of  the  column 
of  three  thousand  cavalry  with  two  batteries  under 
Robertson  had  been  brought  to  bear  on  the  flank  of 
the  Union  army,  its  advance  into  Pennsylvania  would 
have  been  less  rapid,  and  Meade  could  not  have 
spared  two-thirds  of  his  cavalry  to  send  after  Stuart 
to  embarrass  his  march.  If  the  force  of  cavalry  which 
Stuart  left  behind  him  had  promptly  moved  in  obedi 
ence  to  his  orders  on  the  26th  to  place  itself  in  its 
proper  position  on  the  right  of  the  army,  then  it 
could  easily  have  occupied  Gettysburg  in  advance  of 
the  enemy.  It  did  nothing  of  the  kind,  but  quietly 
rested  three  days  at  Ashby's  Gap  to  learn  through 
Gen.  Lee  where  the  enemy  had  gone.  The  professed 
historians  of  the  war  make  no  mention  of  these  facts. 
Stuart  is  dead;  "  O  !  for  one  hour  of  Dundee." 


2QO  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCED. 

HEADQUARTERS,  J^toe  22,  186^ 

MAJOR-GENERAL  J.  E.  B.  STUART, 

Commanding  Cavalry. 

GENERAL  :  —  I  have  just  received  your  note  of  7.45  this 
morning  to  General  Longstreet.  I  judge  the  efforts  of  the 
enemy  yesterday  were  to  arrest  our  progress  and  ascertain 
our  whereabouts.  Perhaps  he  is  satisfied.  Do  you  know 
where  he  is  and  what  he  is  doing?  I  fear  he  will  steal  a 
march  on  us  and  get  across  the  Potomac  before  we  are 
aware.  If  you  find  that  he  is  moving  northward,  and  that 
two  brigades  can  guard  the  Blue  Ridge  and  take  care  of  your 
rear,  you  can  move  with  the  other  three  into  Maryland  and 
take  position  on  General  Ewell's  right,  place  yourself  in  com 
munication  with  him,  guard  his  flank,  and  keep  him  in 
formed  of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  collect  all  the 
supplies  you  can  for  the  use  of  the  army.  One  column 
of  General  Ewell's  army  will  probably  move  towards  the  Sus- 
quehanna  by  the  Emmettsburg  route,  another  by  Chambers- 
burg.  Accounts  from  him  last  night  state  that  there  was  no 
enemy  west  of  Fredericktown.  A  cavalry  force  (about 
one  hundred)  guarded  the  Monocacy  Bridge,  which  was 
barricaded.  You  will,  of  course,  take  charge  of  Jenkins' 
brigade  and  give  him  necessary  instructions.  All  supplies 
taken  in  Maryland  must  be  by  authorized  staff-officers,  for 
their  respective  departments,  by  no  one  else.  They  will  be 
paid  for  or  receipts  for  the  same  given  to  the  owners.  I 
will  send  you  a  general  order  on  this  subject,  which  I  wish 
you  to  see  is  strictly  complied  with. 

I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.  E.  LEE,  General. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  2OI 

HEADQUARTERS,  MILLWOOD,  June  22,  1863,  7  F.M. 

MAJ.-GEN'L  J.  E.  B.  STUART, 

Comdg  Cavalry. 

GENERAL  :  —  Gen.  Lee  has  inclosed  to  me  this  letter  for 
you,  to  be  forwarded  to  you,  provided  you  can  be  spared 
from  my  front,  and  provided  I  think  that  you  can  move  across 
the  Potomac  without  disclosing  our  plans.  He  speaks  of 
your  leaving  via  Hopewell  Gap  and  passing  by  the  rear  of 
the  enemy.  If  you  can  get  through  by  that  route,  I  think 
that  you  will  be  less  likely  to  indicate  what  our  plans  are, 
than  if  you  should  cross  by  passing  to  our  rear.  I  forward 
the  letter  of  instructions  with  these  suggestions. 

Please  advise  me  of  the  condition  of  affairs  before  you 
leave,  and  order  Genl.  Hampton  —  whom  I  suppose  you 
will  leave  here  in  command  —  to  report  to  me  at  Millwood 
either  by  letter  or  in  person,  as  may  be  most  agreeable  to 
him.  Most  respectfully, 

J.  LONGSTREET, 

Lt.-Genl. 

N.  B.  I  think  that  your  passage  of  the  Potomac  by  our 
rear  at  the  present  moment  will,  in  a  measure,  disclose  our 
plans.  You  had  better  not  leave  us,  therefore,  unless  you 
can  take  the  proposed  route  in  rear  of  the  enemy. 

J.  LONGSTREET, 


202  MOSBY'S   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

HEADQUARTERS,  ARMY  OF  NORTH  VIRGINIA, 
June  23,  1863,  5  P.M. 

MAJOR-GENERAL  J.  E.  B.  STUART, 
Commanding  Cavalry. 

GENERAL  :  —  Your  notes  of  9  and  10.30  A.M.  to-day  have 
just  been  received.  As  regards  the  purchase  of  tobacco 
for  your  men,  supposing  that  Confederate  money  not  be 
taken,  I  am  willing  for  your  commissaries  or  quartermasters 
to  purchase  this  tobacco  and  let  the  men  get  it  from  them ; 
but  I  can  have  nothing  seized  by  the  men. 

If  General  Hooker's  army  remains  inactive,  you  can 
leave  two  brigades  to  watch  him  and  withdraw  with  the 
three  others ;  but  should  he  not  appear  to  be  moving 
northward,  I  think  you  had  better  withdraw  this  side  of 
the  mountain  to-morrow  night,  cross  at  Shepherdstown 
next  day  and  move  over  to  Fredericktown. 

You  will,  however,  be  able  to  judge  whether  you  can 
pass  around  their  army  without  hindrance,  doing  them  all 
the  damage  you  can,  and  cross  the  river  east  of  the 
mountains.  In  either  case,  after  crossing  the  river,  you 
must  move  on  and  feel  the  right  of  EwelPs  troops,  col 
lecting  information,  provisions,  etc. 

Give  instructions  to  the  commander  of  the  brigades 
left  behind,  to  watch  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  army 
and  (in  event  of  the  enemy  leaving  their  front)  retire 
from  the  mountains  west  of  the  Shenandoah,  leaving  suf 
ficient  pickets  to  guard  the  passes,  and  bringing  everything 
clean  along  the  Valley,  closing  upon  the  rear  of  the  army. 

As  regards  the  movements  of  the  two  brigades  of  the 
enemy  moving  towards  Warrenton,  the  commander  of  the 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  203 

brigades  to  be  left  in  the  mountains  must  do  what  he 
can  to  counteract  them ;  but  I  think  the  sooner  you  cross 
into  Maryland,  after  to-morrow,  the  better. 

The  movements  of  EwelPs  corps  are  as  stated  in  my 
fcrmer  letter.  Hill's  first  division  will  reach  the  Potomac 
to-day,  and  Longstreet  will  follow  to-morrow. 

Be  watchful  and  circumspect  in  all  your  movements. 
I  am,  very  respectfully  and  truly  yours, 

R.  K.  LEE, 
General. 

[Confidential.] 

HD.QRS.  CAV'Y  Div. :  ARMY  OF  N.  VA., 
June  24,  1863. 

BRIG.-GEN'L  B.  H.  ROBERTSON,  Com'dg  Cavalry: 

GENERAL: — Your  own  and  Gen'l  Jones's  brigades  will 
cover  the  front  of  Ashby's  and  Snicker's  Gaps;  yourself, 
as  senior  officer,  being  in  command. 

Your  object  will  be  to  watch  the  enemy,  deceive  him  as 
to  our  designs,  and  harass  his  rear  if  you  find  he  is  retiring. 
Be  always  on  the  alert,  let  nothing  escape  your  observation, 
and  miss  no  opportunity  which  offers  to  damage  the  enemy. 

After  the  enemy  has  moved  beyond  your  reach,  leave 
sufficient  pickets  in  the  mountains,  and  withdraw  to  the 
west  side  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  place  a  strong  and  relia 
ble  picket  to  watch  the  enemy  at  Harper's  Ferry,  cross  the 
Potomac,  and  follow  the  army,  keeping  on  its  right  and 
rear. 

As  long  as  the  enemy  remains  in  your  front  in  force, 
unless  otherwise  ordered  by  Gen'l  R.  E.  Lee,  Lt.-Gen'l 


204  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.      \ 

Longstreet,  or  myself,  hold  the  gaps  with  a  line  of  pickets 
reaching  across  the  Shenandoah  by  Charlestown  to  the 
Potomac. 

If,  in  the  contingency  mentioned,  you  withdraw,  sweep 
the  valley  clear  of  what  pertains  to  the  army,  and  cross  the 
Potomac  at  the  different  points  crossed  by  it. 

You  will  instruct  General  Jones  from  time  to  time  as  the 
movements  progress  or  events  may  require,  and  report  any 
thing  of  importance  to  Lieut.-Gen'l  Longstreet,  with  whose 
position  you  will  communicate  by  relays  through  Charles- 
town. 

I  send  instructions  for  Gen'l  Jones  which  please  read. 
Avail  yourself  of  every  means  in  your  power  to  increase  the 
efficiency  of  your  command,  and  keep  it  up  to  the  highest 
number  possible.  Particular  attention  will  be  paid  to  shoe 
ing  horses,  and  to  marching  off  of  the  turnpikes. 

In  case  of  an  advance  of  the  enemy,  you  will  offer  such 
resistance  as  will  be  justifiable  to  check  him  and  discover 
his  intentions ;  and,  if  possible,  you  will  prevent  him  from 
gaining  possession  of  the  gaps. 

In  case  of  a  move  by  the  enemy  upon  Warrenton,  you 
will  counteract  it  as  much  as  you  can  compatible  with  pre 
vious  instructions. 

You  will  have  with  the  two  brigades  two  batteries  of 
horse  artillery. 

Very  respectfully  your  obi.  servt. 

J.   E.   B.   STUART, 

Major  Gen'l  Com'dg. 

Do  not  change  your  present  line  of  pickets  until  day 
light  to-morrow  morning  unless  compelled  to  do  so. 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


205 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

SOON  After  the  outbreak  of  war  in  the  spring  of 
1861  the  First  Regiment  of  Virginia  Cavalry 
was  organized  with  J.  E.  B.  Stuart  as  colonel.  He 
was  then  just  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  a  native  of 
Virginia  and  a  graduate  of  West  Point.  As  lieu 
tenant  of  cavalry  he  had  had  some  experience  in 
Indian  warfare  in  the  West  in  which  he  had  been 
wounded  ;  and  in  the  raid  of  John  Brown  on  the 
United  States  arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry  had  acted 
as  aide  to  Colonel  (afterwards  General)  Robert 
E.  Lee. 

The  First  Virginia  Cavalry  was  attached  to  the 
command  of  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  in  the 
$henandoah  valley  and  assigned  to  the  duty  of 
watching  Patterson,  who  had  crossed  the  Potomac 
and  was  threatening  the  Southern  army,  then  at 
Winchester.  I  was  a  private  in  a  company  of 
cavalry  called  the  Washington  Mounted  Rifles, 
which  was  commanded  by  Capt.  William  E.  Jones, 
an  officer  who  some  years  before  had  retired  from 
the  United  States  army,  and  gave  the  company  the 
name  of  his  old  regiment.  Jones  was  a  graduate  of 
West  Point  and  had  been  a  comrade  of  Stonewall 


2o6  MOSBTS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Jackson's  while  there.  He  has  often  entertained 
me  in  his  tent  at  night  with  anecdotes  of  that  eccen 
tric  genius.  No  man  in  the  South  was  better  quali 
fied  to  mould  the  wild  element  he  controlled  into 
soldiers.  His  authority  was  exercised  mildly  but 
firmly,  and  to  the  lessons  of  duty  and  obedience  he 
taught  me  I  acknowledge  that  I  am  largely  indebted 
for  whatever  success  I  may  afterwards  have  had  as 
a  commander. 

I  first  saw  Stuart  in  the  month  of  July,  1861,  at 
a  village  called  Bunker  Hill  on  the  pike  leading  from 
Winchester  to  Martinsburg,  where  Patterson  was 
camped.  His  regiment  was  stationed  there  to  ob 
serve  the  movements  of  the  Union  army.  His  per 
sonal  appearance  bore  the  stamp  of  his  military 
character,  the  fire,  the  dash,  the  energy  and  physi 
cal  endurance  that  seemed  able  to  defy  all  natural 
laws.  Simultaneously  with  the  movement  of  Mc 
Dowell  against  Beauregard,  began  Patterson's  dem 
onstration  to  keep  Johnston  at  Winchester.  It 
was,  however,  too  feeble  to  have  any  effect  except 
to  neutralize  his  own  forces.  The  plan  of  the 
Southern  generals  was  to  avoid  a  battle  in  the  valley 
and  concentrate  their  armies  at  Manassas.  The 
duty  was  assigned  to  Stuart's  cavalry  of  masking 
the  march  of  Johnston  to  Manassas  and  at  the  same 
time  watching  Patterson.  General  Scott  had  or 
dered  him  to  feel  the  enemy  strongly  and  not  to 


MOSBVS    WAR   REMINISCENCES. 


207 


allow  him  to  escape  to  Manassas  to  reinforce  Beau- 
regard.  Patterson  replied  in  the  most  confident 
tone  that  he  was  holding  Johnston. 

After  the  battle  had  been  won  by  the  Confeder 
ates,  in  reply  to  Scott's  criticism  upon  him  for  not 
having  engage^  them,  Patterson  comforted  him 
with  the  assurance  that  if  he  had  done  so,  Scott 
would  have  had  to  mourn  the  defeat  of  two  armies 
instead  of  one.  The  records  show  that  at  that  time 
Patterson  had  about  18,000  men  and  Johnston  about 
10,000. 

On  the  1 5th  of  July,  Patterson  advanced  and 
drove  us  with  artillery  from  our  camp  at  Bunker 
Hill.  Stuart  had  none  to  reply  with.  All  of  us 
thought  a  battle  at  Winchester  was  imminent.  Pat 
terson  had  one  regiment  of  the  regular  besides  some 
volunteer  cavalry  from  Philadelphia,  but  made  no 
use  of  them.  He  never  sent  his  cavalry  outside  his 
infantry  lines,  and  their  only  service  was  to  add  to 
the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war  on  reviews  and 
parades.  He  stayed  one  day  at  Bunker  Hill,  and 
then,  thinking  he  had  done  enough  in  driving  us 
away,  turned  off  squarely  to  the  left  and  marched 
down  to  Charlestown.  He  had  not  been  in  twelve 
miles  of  our  army,  and  this  was  the  way  he  executed 
General  Scott's  order  to  feel  it  strongly. 

Stuart  still  hung  so  close  on  his  flanks  that  he 
occasionally  let  a  shell  drop  among  us.  As  soon  as 


2o8  MOSBY'S    WAR   REMINISCENCES. 

the  movement  to  Charlestown  was  developed,  John 
ston  received  intelligence  of  it  through  Stuart.  He 
saw  then  that  Patterson  did  not  intend  an  attack, 
and  got  ready  to  join  Beauregard.  The  Union  gen 
eral  went  into  camp  at  Charlestown  while  the  Con 
federate  folded  his  tent  like  the  Arab  and  quietly 
stole  away.  Stuart  spread  a  curtain  of  cavalry  be 
tween  the  opposing  armies  which  so  effectually  con 
cealed  the  movement  of  Johnston,  that  Patterson 
never  suspected  it  until  it  had  been  accomplished. 
The  telegraphic  correspondence  at  that  time  be 
tween  Generals  Scott  and  Patterson  now  reads  like 
an  extract  from  the  transactions  of  the  Pickwick 
Club. 

On  July  1 3th,  Scott  telegraphs  to  Patterson  : 
"  Make  demonstrations  to  detain  Johnston  in  the 
valley."  July  I4th,  Patterson  replies  :  "  Will  ad 
vance  to-morrow.  Unless  I  can  rout  shall  be  care 
ful  not  to  set  him  in  full  retreat  toward  Strasburg." 
He  seemed  to  be  afraid  of  frightening  Johnston  so 
much  that  he  would  run  away.  Again,  Scott  tele 
graphs  to  Patterson  :  "  Do  not  let  the  enemy  amuse 
and  delay  you  with  a  small  force  in  front  whilst  he 
reinforces  the  junction  with  his  main  body."  This 
shows  that  General  Scott,  who  was  in  Washington, 
had  the  sagacity  to  discern  what  we  were  likely  to 
do. 

On   July   1 8th,    General  Scott  says  to  him:  "  I 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


209. 


have  been  certainly  expecting  you  to  beat  the 
enemy.  If  not,  to  hear  that  you  had  felt  him 
strongly,  or,  at  least,  had  occupied  him  by  threats 
and  demonstrations."  At  that  time  Patterson  was 
twenty  miles  distant  from  Johnston  and  never  got 
any  closer.  This  was  all  the  feeling  he  did.  On 
the  same  day  Patterson  replies  :  "  The  enemy  has 
stolen  no  march  on  me.  I  have  kept  him  actively 
employed,  and  by  threats  and  reconnoissances  in 
force  caused  him  to  be  reinforced."  At  that  time, 
Johnston  was  marching  to  Manassas,  and  Stuart's 
cavalry  were  watching  the  smoke  as  it  curled  from 
the  Union  camps  at  Charlestown. 

Again,  on  July  i8th,  in  order  to  make  General 
Scott  feel  perfectly  secure,  Patterson  tells  him  :  "I 
have  succeeded,  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of 
the  General-in-Chief,  in  keeping  Johnston's  force  at 
Winchester.  A  reconnoissance  in  force  on  Tuesday 
caused  him  to  be  largely  reinforced  from  Strasburg." 
And  on  July  2 1st,  when  the  junction  of  the  two 
armies  had  been  effected,  and  the  great  battle  was 
raging  at  Manassas,  he  telegraphs  to  Scott  :  "  John 
ston  left  Millwood  yesterday  to  operate  on  Mc 
Dowell's  right  and  to  turn  through  Loudoun  on 
me." 

As  Patterson  was  haunted  by  the  idea  that  John 
ston  was  after  him,  although  he  had  marched  in  an 
opposite  direction,  he  concluded  to  retreat  to  Har- 


210  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

per's  Ferry.  The  success  of  Johnston's  strategy  in 
eluding  Patterson  and  cheating  him  into  the  belief 
that  he  was  still  in  the  valley,  is  due  to  the  vigilance 
of  Stuart  and  his  activity  and  skill  in  the  manage 
ment  of  cavalry.  The  Northern  General  never  dis 
covered  how  badly  he  had  been  fooled  until  the  day 
of  the  battle,  when  he  was  too  far  away  to  give  any 
assistance.  But  Stuart  was  not  satisfied  with  the 
work  he  had  done.  After  the  infantry  had  been 
transferred  to  the  railroad  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge, 
he  left  a  single  company  as  a  veil  in  front  of  Patter 
son  and  joined  the  army  at  Manassas  on  the  evening 
before  the  battle.  We  had  been  almost  continu 
ously  in  the  saddle  for  a  week,  and  I  have  a  vivid 
remembrance  of  the  faces  of  the  men — bronzed 
with  sun  and  dust  from  the  long  march.  The  two 
armies  were  in  such  close  contact  that  all  knew  there 
would  be  a  battle  on  the  morrow.  Patterson  was 
safe  in  the  valley. 

When  he  was  before  the  committee  on  the  Con 
duct  of  the  War  to  give  his  reasons  for  not  advanc 
ing  on  Johnston  at  Winchester,  he  filed  a  paper  con 
taining  the  following  statement  :  "  Among  the  regi 
ments  there  was  one  of  Kentucky  riflemen  armed 
with  heavy  bowie  knives  ;  they  refused  to  take 
more  than  one  round  of  cartridges.  They  proposed 
to  place  themselves  in  the  bushes  for  assault."  Of 
course,  no  prudent  commander  would  lead  men 


MOSBVS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  2II 

where  they  would  be  disembowelled  by  an  enemy 
hidden  in  the  bushes.  Perhaps  General  Patterson 
was  imitating  the  example  of  Othello,  and  trying  to 
captivate  Congressmen,  as  the  Moor  did  the  ear  of 
Desdemona,  with  tales  of 

The  cannibals  that  do  each  other  eat ; 
The  anthropophagi,  and  men  whose  heads 
Do  grow  beneath  their  shoulders. 

On  the  night  before  the  battle,  the  raw  troops 
were  excited  by  every  noise,  and  the  picket  firing 
was  incessant.  We  slept  soundly  in  our  bivouac  in 
the  pines,  and  early  in  the  morning  were  awakened 
by  the  reveille  that  called  us  to  arms.  As  the  sun 
rose,  the  rattle  of  musketry  began  along  Bull  Run, 
and  soon  from  one  end  of  the  line  to  the  other  there 
was  a  continuous  roar  of  small  arms  and  artillery. 

War  loses  a  great  deal  of  its  romance  after  a 
soldier  has  seen  his  first  battle.  I  have  a  more 
vivid  recollection  of  the  first  than  the  last  one  I  was 
in.  It  is  a  classical  maxim  that  it  is  sweet  and  be 
coming  to  die  for  one's  country  ;  but  whoever  has 
seen  the  horrors  of  a  battle-field  feels  that  it  is  far 
sweeter  to  live  for  it.  The  Confederate  generals 
had  expected  a  battle  on  our  right  ;  as  a  fact,  our 
left  wing  was  turned,  and  the  battle  was  mostly 
fought  by  Johnston's  troops,  who,  having  come  up 
the  day  before,  had  been  held  in  reserve.  Stuart's 
regiment  having  just  arrived,  had  not  been  sent  on 


212  MOSBYS   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  outposts,  and  hence  is  in  no  way  responsible  for 
the  surprise.  In  the  crisis  of  the  battle,  when  Jack 
son  with  his  brigade  was  standing  like  a  stone  wall 
against  the  advancing  host,  he  called  for  Stuart's 
cavalry  to  support  him.  Stuart  sent  one  squadron 
to  Jackson's  right,  under  the  Major,  who  did  noth 
ing  (I  was  with  him),  while  with  six  companies  he 
came  up  on  Jackson's  left,  just  in  time  to  charge 
and  rout  the  Ellsworth  Zouaves.  Their  general,  in 
his  report,  says  that  he  was.  never  able  to  rally  them 
during  the  fight. 

This  cavalry  charge  had  an  important  effect  upon 
the  fortunes  of  the  day,  as  it  delayed  the  enemy, 
and  gave  time  for  troops  to  come  to  the  relief  of 
Jackson,  who  was  then  hard  pressed  by  superior 
numbers.  Stuart  afterward,  with  a  battery  of  artil 
lery,  led  the  turning  movement  that  caused  the 
rout,  and  associated  the  stream  of  Bull  Run  with 
the  most  memorable  panic  in  history.  Shortly  after 
the  battle,  all  the  cavalry  of  the  army  was  organized 
into  a  brigade,  with  Stuart  in  command.  Jones 
was  also  promoted  to  be  colonel  of  the  regiment, 
and  Fitz  Lee  became  lieutenant-colonel.  From 
this  time  until  the  army  evacuated  Manassas,  in  the 
spring  of  1862,  the  cavalry  was  almost  exclusively 
engaged  in  outpost  duty.  McClellan  kept  close  to 
the  fortifications  around  Washington  while  he  was 
organizing  the  army  of  the  Potomac,  and  his  cavalry 


MOSBYS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  213. 

rarely  ventured  beyond  his  infantry  pickets.  No 
field  was  open  for  brilliant  exploits  ;  but  the  dis 
cipline  and  experience  of  a  life  on  the  outpost  soon 
converted  the  Confederate  volunteers  into  veterans. 

Without  intending  any  disparagement,  I  may  say 
that  the  habits  and  education  of  Northern  men  had 
not  been  such  as  to  adapt  them  readily  to  the  cav 
alry  service,  without  a  process  of  drilling  ;  while, 
on  the  contrary,  the  Southern  youth,  who,  like  the 
ancient  Persians,  had  been  taught  from  his  cradle 
"to  ride,  to  shoot,  and  speak  the  truth,"  leaped 
into  his  saddle,  almost  a  cavalryman  from  his  birth. 
The  Cossacks,  who  came  from  their  native  wilds  ort 
the  Don  to  break  the  power  of  Napoleon,  had  no 
other  training  in  war  than  the  habits  of  nomadic 
life  ;  and  in  the  same  school  were  bred  the  Parthian 
horsemen  who  drove  to  despair  the  legions  of  Cras- 
sus  and  Antony. 

I  must  also  say  that  the  Confederate  authorities 
made  but  slight  use  of  the  advantage  they  enjoyed 
in  the  early  periods  of  the  war,  for  creating  a  fine 
body  of  cavalry  ;  and  that  little  wisdom  was  shown 
in  the  use  of  what  they  did  have.  It  would  have 
been  far  better  military  policy,  during  the  first 
winter  of  the  war,  to  have  saved  the  cavalry  as  Mc- 
Clellan  did,  either  to  lead  the  advance  or  cover  the 
retreat  in  the  spring  campaign.  It  was  largely  con 
sumed  in  work  which  the  infantry  might  have  done. 


214  MOSBVS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

without  imposing  much  additional  hardships  on 
them,  as  the  proportion  of  cavalry  was  so  small. 
When  the  Southern  army  retired,  in  March,  1862, 
three-fourths  of  the  horses  had  been  broken  down 
by  the  hard  work  of  the  winter,  and  the  men  had 
been  furloughed  to  go  home  for  fresh  ones.  The 
Confederate  government  did  not  furnish  horses  for 
the  cavalry,  but  paid  the  men  forty  cents  a  day  for 
the  use  of  them.  This  vicious  policy  was  the  source 
of  continual  depletion  of  the  cavalry.  Stuart's  old 
regiment,  —  the  First  Virginia  Cavalry, — of  which  I 
was  adjutant,  with  at  least  800  men  on  its  muster- 
rolls,  did  not  have  150  for  duty  on  the  morning  we 
broke  up  winter  quarters  on  Bull  Run.  If  the 
cavalry  brigade  had  been  cantoned  on  the  border, 
in  the  rich  counties  of  Fauquier  and  Loudoun,  the 
ranks  would  have  been  full,  and  their  granaries 
would  not  have  been  left  as  forage  for  the  enemy. 
The  Confederate  army  fell  back  leisurely  from  the 
front  of  Washington,  and  rested  some  weeks  on  the 
Rappahannock,  waiting  the  development  of  Mc- 
Clellan's  plans.  Stuart's  cavalry  was  the  rear-guard. 
Sumner  pushed  forward  with  a  division  along  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  railroad,  to  make  a  demon 
stration  and  cover  McClellan's  operations  in  another 
direction.  He  rather  overdid  the  thing.  On  reach 
ing  our  picket  line  on  Cedar  Run,  he  made  a  grand 
display  by  deploying  his  whole  force  in  an  open 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  215 

field.  I  happened  to  be  on  the  picket  line  that 
day,  and  told  Col.  Jones  that  it  was  only  a  feint  to 
deceive  us.  We  retired,  and  the  enemy  occupied 
our  camping-ground  that  night. 

The  next  morning  Stuart  was  at  Bealeton  station  ; 
and  our  skirmishers  were  engaged  with  the  enemy, 
who  was  advancing  towards  the  Rappahannock. 
My  own  regiment  had  just  taken  position  on  the 
railroad,  when  I  rode  up  to  Stuart,  with  whom  I 
had  become  pretty  well  acquainted.  Since  we  had 
left  the  line  of  Bull  Run,  I  had  several  times  re 
turned  on  scouts  for  him.  He  said  to  me,  "  I  want 
to  find  out  whether  this  is  McClellan's  army  or  only 
a  feint."  I  replied,  "  I  will  go  and  find  out  for 
you."  I  immediately  started  towards  the  rear  of 
the  enemy's  column  with  two  or  three  men,  and 
reached  a  point  some  distance  behind  it  about  the 
time  they  were  shelling  our  cavalry  they  had  driven 
over  the  river.  I  saw  that  the  enemy  was  only 
making  a  demonstration,  and  rode  nearly  all  night 
to  get  back  to  Stuart.  When  I  got  to  the  river, 
we  came  very  near  being  shot  by  our  own  pickets, 
who  mistook  us  for  the  enemy.  I  found  Stuart 
with  Gen.  Ewell,  anxiously  waiting  to  hear  from 
me,  or  for  the  enemy  to  cross  the  river. 

I  have  not  been  so  fortunate  as  to  have  a  poet  to 
do  for  me  on  this  occasion  what  Longfellow  did  for 
the  midnight  ride  of  Paul  Revere.  There  was  a 


2l6  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

drizzling  rain  and  a  dense  fog  ;  it  was  impossible  to 
see  what  the  enemy  were  doing.  I  remember 
Stuart's  joy  and  surprise  when  I  told  him  that  they 
were  falling  back  from  the  river.  In  the  rapture  of 
the  moment  he  told  me  that  I  could  get  any  reward 
I  wanted  for  what  I  had  done.  The  only  reward  I 
asked  was  the  opportunity  to  do  the  same  thing 
again.1  In  ten  minutes  the  cavalry  had  crossed  the 
river  and  was  capturing  prisoners.  Nothing  had 
been  left  before  us  but  a  screen  of  cavalry,  which 
was  quickly  brushed  away.  It  now  became  evident 
that  McClellan  would  move  down  the  Potomac  and 
operate  against  Richmond  from  a  new  base  and  on 
another  line.  This  was  the  first  cavalry  reconnois- 
sance  that  had  ever  been  made  to  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  and  was  considered  as  something  remarkable 
at  that  time  ;  at  a  later  period  they  were  very  com 
mon.  Soon  after  this,  Stuart's  cavalry  was  trans 
ferred  from  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock  with  the 
rest  of  Johnston's  army,  to  confront  McClellan  on 
the  Peninsula.  I  dined  with  Gen.  Lee  at  his  head 
quarters,  near  Petersburg,  about  six  weeks  before 
the  surrender.  He  told  me  then  that  he  had  been 
opposed  to  Gen.  Johnston's  withdrawing  to  the 
Peninsula,  and  had  written  to  him  while  he  was  on 
the  Rapidan,  advising  him  to  move  back  towards 

1  See  Stuart's  report  to  Gen.  Johnston. 


MOSJBVS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


217 


the  Potomac.  He  thought  that  if  he  had  done  this, 
McClellan  would  have  been  recalled  to  the  defence 
of  Washington.  He  further  said  that,  instead  of 
falling  back  from  Yorktown  to  Richmond,  Gen. 
Johnston  should  have  made  a  stand  with  his  whole 
army,  instead  of  a  part  of  it,  on  the  narrow  isthmus 
at  Williamsburg. 

Just  before  we  reached  Williamsburg,  news  came 
of  the  passage  of  the  conscription  law,  which  pre 
served  all  the  regimental  organizations  as  they  were. 
The  men  were  held  in  the  ranks,  but  allowed  to 
elect  their  company  officers  ;  and  these  in  turn 
elected  field  officers.  It  is  hard  to  reconcile  de 
mocracy  with  military  principles  ;  and,  conse 
quently,  many  of  the  best  officers  were  dropped. 
Such  was  the  fate  of  my  colonel.  The  staff  officers, 
not  being  elected,  were  supposed  to  hold  over  with 
out  reappointment.  I  immediately  handed  my 
resignation  as  adjutant  to  the  new  colonel, — Fitz 
Lee, — who  accepted  it. 

The  conscription  law  at  first  produced  some  dis 
satisfaction  among  the  men,  as  most  of  them  had 
served  twelve  months  without  a  furlough  ;  but  this 
soon  subsided.  All  acquiesced  in  what  was  regarded 
as  imperious  necessity.  The  loss  of  our  positions 
in  the  First  Virginia  Cavalry  resulted  in  a  benefit 
both  to  Jones  and  myself.  Through  the  influence 
of  Stonewall  Jackson,  Jones  was  made  a  brigadier- 


2l8  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

general,  and  soon  after  the  death  of  Ashby  was 
given  the  command  of  his  brigade.  Stuart  invited 
me  to  come  to  his  headquarters  and  act  as  a  scout 
for  him.  In  this  way  I  began  my  career  as  a  par 
tisan,  which  now,  when  I  recall  it  through  the  mist 
of  years,  seems  as  unreal  as  the  lives  of  the  Paladins. 

I  wish  it  to  be  understood  that  a  scout  is  not  a 
spy  who  goes  in  disguise,  but  a  soldier  in  arms  and 
uniform  who  reconnoitres  either  inside  or  outside 
an  enemy's  line.  Such  a  life  is  full  of  adventure, 
excitement,  and  romance.  Stuart  was  not  only  an 
educated,  but  a  heaven-born  soldier,  whose  natural 
genius  had  not  been  stifled  by  red  tape  and  the 
narrow  rules  of  the  schools. 

The  history  of  the  war  furnishes  no  better  type 
of  the  American  soldier  ;  as  a  chief  of  cavalry  he  is 
without  a  peer.  He  cared  little  for  formulas,  and 
knew  when  to  follow  and  when  to  disregard  prec 
edents.  He  was  the  first  to  see  that  the  European 
methods  of  employing  cavalry  were  not  adapted  to 
the  conditions  of  modern  war.1  His  inventive 
genius  discovered  new  ways  of  making  cavalry  use 
ful,  that  had  never  been  dreamed  of  by  the  regular 
professors  of  the  science.  I  will  now  give  some 
illustrations  of  his  originality  and  the  fertility  of  his 

1  That  infantry  armed  with  repeating  rifles  and  fixed  ammunition 
would  have  destroyed  the  squadrons  of  Murat  at  Eylou  and  Mount 
Tabor  before  they  ever  got  close  enough  to  use  their  sabres. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  219 

resources.  When  McClellan  was  lying  in  the 
swamps  of  the  Chickahominy,  the  infantry  lines  of 
the  two  armies  were  so  close  together  that  cavalry 
operations  in  their  front  were  impracticable.  One 
morning,  when  Stuart's  headquarters  were  near 
Richmond,  he  invited  me  to  breakfast  with  him, 
and  at  the  table  asked  me  to  take  two  or  three  men 
and  find  out  whether  McClellan  was  fortifying  on 
the  Totopotomoy  Creek.  I  had  been  inactive  for 
some  time,  and  this  was  just  the  opportunity  I 
wanted.  I  started,  but  was  diverted  from  the  route 
I  had  been  directed  to  go  by  there  being  a  flag  of 
truce  on  the  road.  I  did  not  want  to  return  with 
out  accomplishing  something,  so  I  turned  north  and 
made  a  wide  detour  by  Hanover  Court  House. 
Although  I  was  then  engaged  in  the  business  of 
breaking  idols,  I  had  not  lost  all  reverence  for 
antiquity.  I  stopped  a  while  to  muse  in  the  old 
brick  building  where  Patrick  Henry  made  his  first 
speech  at  the  bar,  and  pleaded  the  cause  of  the 
people  against  the  parsons.  In  order  to  understand 
the  enterprise  on  which  I  was  going,  a  geographical 
description  of  the  country  and  situation  of  the 
armies  is  necessary.  The  battle  of  Fair  Oaks  or 
Seven  Pines  had  been  fought,  and  the  army  of  the 
Potomac  was  lying  on  the  Peninsula  between  the 
James  and  Pamunkey  rivers,  and  astraddle  of  the 
Chickahominy,  which  meanders  between  them  and 


220  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

finally  empties  into  the  James.  McClellan's  right 
wing  rested  on  the  Pamunkey,  with  his  base  at  the 
White  House  and  his  line  of  supply  by  the  York 
River  Railroad.  His  left  extended  to  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  James.  The  Totopotomoy  Creek  flows 
into  the  Pamunkey.  I  got  down  in  the  enemy's 
lines  on  the  Totopotomoy  and  ascertained  that  six 
or  eight  miles  of  McClellan's  front  was  a  mere 
shroud  of  cavalry  pickets  that  covered  his  line  of 
communication  with  his  depot  at  the  White  House. 
Of  course,  as  he  had  no  infantry  on  his  right  there 
would  be  no  fortifications  there.  The  idea  imme 
diately  occurred  to  me  that  here  was  a  grand  oppor 
tunity  for  Stuart  to  strike  a  blow.  It  is  now  clear 
why  General  Lee  wanted  to  get  information  about 
the  enemy's  fortifying  the  Totopotomoy. 

About  three  weeks  after  that  he  called  Jackson 
from  the  valley,  who  struck  McClellan  on  this  very 
ground.  I  was  chased  away  from  there  and  came 
out  just  behind  a  regiment  of  Union  cavalry  going 
on  a  scout.  They  very  little  thought  that  I  was 
coming  back  so  soon.  I  hastened  to  Stuart's  head 
quarters  to  give  him  the  information.  Everybody 
there  was  in  high  glee.  News  had  just  come  of 
Jackson's  victories  over  Fremont  and  Shields  : 
Cross  Keyes  and  Port  Republic  had  been  inscribed 
on  his  banners.  It  was  a  hot  day  in  June,  and 
Stuart  was  sitting  under  the  shade  of  a  tree,  and  I 


MOSBTS    WAR   REMINISCENCES.  22I 

lay  down  on  the  grass  to  tell  him  what  I  had  learned. 
After  giving  him  the  information,  I  remarked,  that 
as  the  cavalry  was  idle,  he  could  find  on  the  Pa- 
munkey  something  for  them  to  do.  A  blow  on  this 
weak  point  would  greatly  alarm  McClellan  for  the 
safety  of  his  supplies,  and  compel  him  to  detach 
heavily  from  his  front  to  guard  them.  After  I  got 
through,  he  said  to  me,  "  Write  down  what  you 
have  told  me."  I  went  to  his  adjutant's  office  and 
wrote  it  down  hurriedly  ;  but,  not  attaching  much 
importance  to  it,  did  not  sign  the  writing.  When 
I  brought  the  paper  to  Stuart  he  had  his  horse 
ready  to  mount.  He  called  my  attention  to  the 
omission,  and  I  went  back  and  signed  it.  He 
started  off  at  a  gallop  with  a  single  courier  to  Gen 
eral  Lee's  headquarters.  He  returned  that  after 
noon,  and  orders  were  immediately  issued  for  a  part 
of  the  cavalry  to  get  ready  to  march. 

General  Lee's  instructions  to  Stuart,  directing,  or 
rather  authorizing,  the  expedition,  are  dated  June 
II,  which  shows  how  soon  he  started  after  my  re 
turn,  which  was  on  the  loth.1  With  about  1200 


1  Von  Borcke,  a  Prussian  on  Stuart's  staff,  in  his  "  Memoirs," 
says  that  he  and  Stuart  rode  alone  at  night  five  miles,  inside  the 
enemy's  lines  on  the  Chickahominy,  to  the  house  of  an  Irishman, 
which  Stuart  had  appointed  as  a  rendezvous  to  meet  a  spy.  The 
spy  not  appearing,  he  says  that  he  and  Stuart  waited  for  him  till 
daylight,  and  then  rode  to  his  house,  just  as  the  reveille  sounded 
in  the  Yankee  camps,  only  400  paces  distant.  Such  rides,  he  says, 


222  MOSSY* S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

cavalry  and  two  pieces  of  artillery,  on  the  morning 
of  June  12,  Stuart  left  Richmond,  moving  in  a 
northerly  direction,  to  create  the  impression  that 
he  was  going  to  reinforce  Jackson.  That  night  we 
bivouacked  within  a  few  miles  of  Hanover  Court 
House.  During  his  absence  his  adjutant  was  left 
in  charge  of  his  headquarters.  I  was  present  when 
he  started.  The  adjutant  asked  him  how  long  he 
would  be  gone.  Stuart's  answer  was,  "  It  may  be 
for  years,  and  it  may  be  forever."  Taking  leave  of 
his  staff  had  suggested  the  parting  from  Erin  and 
Kathleen  Mavourneen. 

There  were  many  surmises  as  to  his  destination  ; 
but  I  never  doubted  for  a  moment  where  we  were 
going.  Early  the  next  morning  Stuart  sent  me  on 
in  advance  with  a  few  men  to  Hanover  Court 
House,  and  I  then  saw  that  my  idea  of  a  raid  on 

were  habitual  with  Stuart,  and,  of  course,  Von  Borcke  always 
went  with  him.  He  adds:  "The  object  of  this  excursion  soon 
appeared.  Our  cavalry  force  received  orders  lo  provide  them 
selves  with  rations  for  three  days,  and  on  the  I2th  we  commenced 
that  ride  round  the  army  of  McClellan  which  attracted  so  much 
attention  even  in  Europe."  The  Baron  Munchausen,  who  was  a 
countryman  of  Von  Borcke's,  never  invented  a  purer  fiction. 
Tradition  says  that  King  Alfred  went,  disguised  as  a  harper,  into 
the  court  of  the  Danes  ;  he  was,  however,  acting  as  a  spy,  and  did 
not  go  to  meet  one.  There  is  not  a  soldier  of  the  army  of  North 
ern  Virginia  who  does  not  know  that  neither  Stuart  nor  any  other 
Confederate  general  ever  did  such  a  thing.  Stuart  employed 
scouts  and  spies  to  get  information  for  him  ;  but  they  reported  to 
him  at  his  headquarters  ;  he  never  went  either  inside  or  outside 
the  enemy's  lines  to  meet  them. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  223 

McClellan's  lines  was  about  to  be  realized.  When 
we  got  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  village,  a 
squadron  of  cavalry  was  discovered  there,  and  I 
sent  a  man  back  to  inform  Stuart  of  it,  so  that  he 
might  send  a  regiment  round  to  cut  off  their  retreat. 
He  ordered  the  First  Virginia  Cavalry  to  go  ;  but 
the  enemy,  suspecting  that  there  was  a  stronger 
force  than  they  could  see,  withdrew  too  soon  to  be 
caught. 

The  column  then  pushed  rapidly  towards  the 
camp  of  Union  cavalry  at  Old  Church.  At  that 
place  Captain  Royall  was  stationed  with  two  squad 
rons  of  the  5th  U.  S.  regular  cavalry.  There  was  a 
running  fight  of  several  miles  with  the  pickets,  and 
finally  we  met  Captain  Royall,  who  came  out  with 
his  whole  command  to  reinforce  the  outpost.  He 
had  no  suspicion  of  the  number  he  was  attacking, 
and  as  soon  as  he  came  in  sight,  Stuart  ordered  the 
front  squadron  of  the  Qth  Virginia  cavalry  to  charge. 
Royall  was  wounded  and  routed.  On  our  side, 
Captain  Latane  was  killed.  We  could  not  stay  to 
give  him  even  the  hasty  burial  that  the  hero  received 
who  died  on  the  ramparts  of  Corunna.  This  was 
left  for  female  hands  to  do.  The  scene  has  been 
preserved  on  canvas  by  a  Virginia  artist.  As 
Royall's  command  had  been  scattered,  we  soon  had 
possession  of  his  camp,  and  were  feasting  on  the 
good  things  we  found  in  it.  Nearly  everybody 


224  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

forgot — many  never  knew — the  danger  we  were  in. 
A  mile  or  so  on  our  left  was  an  impassable  river — 
not  more  than  six  miles  to  the  right  were  McClel- 
lan's  headquarters,  with  Fitz  John  Porter's  corps 
and  the  reserve  division  of  cavalry  camped  near  us. 
Here  was  the  turning-point  of  the  expedition. 
Stuart  was  as  jolly  as  anybody  ;  but  his  head  was 
always  level  in  critical  moments — even  in  the  midst 
of  fun.  There  was  a  short  conference  between  him 
and  the  Lees,  who  were  the  colonels  of  the  two 
Virginia  regiments.  I  was  sitting  on  my  horse, 
buckling  on  a  pistol  I  had  just  captured,  within  a 
few  feet  of  them  and  heard  all  that  passed.  Stuart 
was  for  pushing  on  to  the  York  River  Railroad, 
which  was  still  nine  miles  off.  Lee,  of  the  Qth  (son 
of  General  R.  E.  Lee),  was  in  favor  of  it,  but  Fitz 
Lee  was  opposed.  Stuart  had  no  idea  of  turning 
back,  and  determined  to  go  on  and  strike  McClellan 
in  his  rear.  In  the  conception  and  execution  of 
this  bold  enterprise  he  showed  the  genius  and  the 
intrepid  spirit  that  took  the  plunge  of  the  Rubicon. 
Just  as  he  gave  the  command,  "  Forward  !"  he 
turned  to  me,  and  said,  "  Mosby,  I  want  you  to 
ride  some  distance  ahead."  I  replied  :  '  Very 
well.  But  you  must  give  me  a  guide  ;  I  don't 
know  the  road."  He  then  ordered  two  cavalrymen 
who  were  familiar  with  the  country  to  go  with  me  ; 
and  I  started  on  towards  Tunstall's  station.  I  was 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

on  a  slow  horse  ;  and  I  remember  that  I  had  not 
gone  very  far  before  Stuart  sent  one  of  his  staff  to 
tell  me  to  go  faster  and  increase  the  distance  be 
tween  us.  It  was  important  that  we  should  reach 
the  railroad  before  dark,  or  reinforcements  could  be 
sent  there.  So  I  went  on  with  my  two  men  at  a  trot. ' 
Stuart's  biographer,  without  so  intending,  has 
made  a  statement  which  if  true  would  rob  him  of 
all  the  glory  of  the  enterprise.  He  says  that  after 
reaching  Old  Church,  Stuart  kept  on  because  it  was 
safer  than  to  go  back  by  the  route  he  had  come. 
The  road  to  Hanover  Court  House  was  open  ;  and 
it  would  not  have  been  possible  for  the  enemy  to 
have  closed  it  against  him  for  several  hours.  The 
fight  with  Royall  was  near  his  camp,  and  did  not 
last  five  minutes  ;  it  took  only  a  few  minutes  to 
destroy  it.  If  he  had  intended  to  return  by  Han 
over,  he  would  have  left  pickets  behind  him  to  keep 
the  way  open.  But  he  did  nothing  of  the  kind. 
He  took  no  more  account  of  his  rear  than  Cortez 
did  when  he  burned  his  ships,  and  marched  to  the 
capital  of  the  Aztec  kings.  The  route  of  the  two 

1  Stuart's  report  contained  recommendations  of  a  number  who 
had  been  with  him  for  promotion.  He  said  :  "  Captains  W.  D. 
Farley  and  J.  S.  Mosby,  without  commission,  have  established  a 
claim  for  position  which  a  grateful  country  will  not,  I  trust,  dis 
regard.  Their  distinguished  services  run  far  back  towards  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  and  present  a  shining  record  of  daring  and 
usefulness." 


226  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

squadrons  of  cavalry  was,  in  itself,  an  insignificant 
result  as  compared  with  the  magnitude  of  the  prep 
aration.  At  this  point,  he  had  simply  broken 
through  McClellan's  picket  line,  but  had  not  gained 
his  rear.  To  have  returned  after  doing  this  and  no 
more,  would  have  been  very  much  like  the  labor  of 
a  mountain  and  the  birth  of  a  mouse.  The  fight 
and  capture  of  Royall's  camp  at  Old  Church  oc 
curred  about  two  o'clock  P.M.,  on  June  13.  The 
nearest  camps  were  three  or  four  miles  off.  Major 
Williams  reports  that  he  came  on  the  ground  with 
380  of  the  6th  cavalry  at  3.30  P.M.,  about  one  hour 
after  the  rear  of  Stuart's  cavalry  had  passed  on 
towards  Tunstall's.  This  one  hour  would  of  itself 
have  been  amply  sufficient  to  allow  Stuart's  return 
unmolested  before  the  arrival  of  that  force.  It  will 
hardly  be  contended  that  380  men  of  any  cavalry 
the  world  ever  saw  could  have  stopped  Stuart  with 
i2OOmen  and  two  pieces  of  artillery.  The  5th  U.  S. 
cavalry  came  on  the  ground  about  five  o'clock  ;  and 
Gen.  Cook  (who  was  Stuart's  father-in-law),  with 
the  rest  of  his  cavalry  division,  Warren's  brigade  of 
infantry,  and  a  battery  of  artillery,  reached  there 
after  dark.  It  is  very  difficult,  therefore,  to  see 
what  there  was  to  prevent  Stuart  from  returning  if 
he  had  so  desired.  In  all,  there  were  two  brigades 
of  cavalry,  one  of  infantry,  and  a  battery  of  artillery 
sent  in  pursuit  of  him. 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  22/ 

Gen.  Emory,  who  led  the  advance,  says  that  he 
followed  on  Stuart's  track,  and  reached  Tunstall's 
at  two  o'clock  that  night,  where  he  found  Gen. 
Reynolds,  who  had  come  up  with  a  brigade  of  in 
fantry  on  the  cars  about  twelve  o'clock.  Reynolds 
says  that  our  rear  guard  had  left  there  about  two 
hours  before  he  arrived.  At  Tunstall's,  Gen. 
Emory  says  he  lost  Stuart's  trail,  and  set  every 
squadron  he  had  to  hunting  for  it,  and  did  not  suc 
ceed  in  finding  it  until  eight  o'clock  the  next  morn 
ing.  As  Stuart  had  left  Tunstall's  on  the  plain 
country  road  on  which  he  had  been  marching  all 
day,  and  on  which  Gen.  Emory  had  followed  him, 
it  seems  strange  that  1200  cavalry,  with  two  pieces 
of  artillery,  should  have  left  no  track  behind  them. 
Gen.  Warren  says  that  "  the  moon  was  shining 
brightly,  making  any  kind  of  movement  for  ourselves 
or  the  enemy  as  easy  as  in  daylight. 

General  Cook,  with  the  rest  of  the  cavalry,  and 
infantry,  and  artillery,  arrived  about  9  o'clock  the 
next  morning.  General  Emory  then  moved  forward 
in  pursuit  with  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery. 
Warren  says  :  "ft  zvas  impossible  for  the  infantry  to 
overtake  him  [Stuart],  and  as  the  cavalry  did  not 
move  without  us,  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  over 
take  him.'''  And  Fitz  John  Porter  regrets,  "That 
when  General  Cook  did  pursue  he  should  have  tied  his 
legs  with  the  infantry  command."  Perhaps  General 


228  MOSBTS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Cook  was  acting  on  the  maxim  that  recommends  us 
to  build  a  bridge  of  gold  for  a.  retreating  foe.  But 
then  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  Stuart  was  retreat 
ing.  As  there  were  six  cavalry  regiments — includ 
ing  all  the  regulars — on  our  track,  with  a  battery  of 
artillery,  it  is  hard  to  see  the  use  they  had  for  in 
fantry,  except  as  a  brake  to  keep  them  from  going 
too  fast.  The  pursuit  was  from  beginning  to  end  a 
comedy  of  errors.  The  infantry  could  not  have  ex 
pected  to  overtake  us,  whereas,  if  we  had  attempted 
to  return  by  the  same  route  we  came,  then  they 
might  have  intercepted  us  by  remaining  where  they 
were. 

Stuart  was  reduced  to  the  alternative  of  returning 
home  by  the  road  along  the  Pamunkey,  or  the  one 
up  James  River.  If  he  took  the  latter,  then  a 
slight  extension  of  McClellan's  left  flank  would  have 
barred  his  way.  It  could  hardly  have  been  imag 
ined  that  we  were  going  down  to  capture  Fort 
Monroe,  or  that  Stuart's  cavalry  were  amphibious 
animals  that  could  cross  the  York  and  James  rivers 
without  pontoons.  Only  the  cavalry  on  McClellan's 
right  was  in  the  pursuit.  He  had  an  abundance  on 
his  left  to  block  our  way,  and  they  had  twenty-four 
hours'  notice  of  our  coming.  Now  to  return  to  my 
narrative  of  Stuart's  march.  As  I  was  jogging 
along  with  my  two  companions,  a  mile  or  two 
ahead  of  the  column,  I  came  upon  a  well-filled 


MOS3VS    WAR   REMINISCENCES.  229 

sutler's  wagon  at  a  cross-roads,  of  which  I  took  pos 
session  by  right  of  discovery.  At  the  same  time, 
about  a  mile  off  to  my  left,  I  could  see  the  masts 
of  several  vessels  riding  at  anchor  in  the  river.  I 
sent  one  of  the  men  back  to  tell  Stuart  to  hurry  on. 
The  sutler  was  too  rich  a  prize  to  abandon,  so  I  left 
the  other  man  in  charge  of  him  and  his  wagon  and 
hurried  on.  Just  as  I  turned  a  bend  of  the  road,  I 
came  plump  upon  another  sutler,  and  a  cavalry 
vidette  was  by  him.  They  were  so  shocked  by  the 
apparition  that  they  surrendered  as  quietly  as  the 
coon  did  to  Captain  Scott.  Tunstall's  Station  was 
now  in  full  view  a  half  a  mile  off.  I  was  all  alone. 
Just  then  a  bugle  sounded.  I  saw  about  a  squadron 
of  cavalry  drawn  up  in  line,  near  the  railroad.1  I 
knew  that  the  head  of  our  column  must  be  close  by, 
and  my  horse  was  too  tired  to  run,  so  I  just  drew 
my  sabre  and  waved  it  in  the  air.  They  knew  from 
this  that  support  was  near  me.  In  a  few  seconds 
our  advance  guard  under  Lieutenant  Robbins  ap 
peared  in  sight,  and  the  squadron  in  front  of  me 
vanished  from  view.  Robbins  captured  the  depot 
with  the  guard  without  firing  a  shot.  Stuart  soon 
rode  up.  Just  then  a  train  of  cars  came  in  sight, 
and  as  we  had  no  implements  with  which  to  pull  up 
a  rail,  a  number  of  logs  were  put  on  the  track. 

1  nth  Pennsylvania. 


230  MOSBVS   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

When  the  engineer  got  near  us,  he  saw  that  he  was 
in  a  hornet's  nest,  and  with  a  full  head  of  steam 
dashed  on  under  a  heavy  fire,  knocked  the  logs  off 
the  track,  and  carried  the  news  to  the  White  House 
below.  General  Ingalls,  who  was  in  command  of 
the  depot  there,  says  that  he  had  received  a  tele 
gram  from  General  McClellan's  headquarters,  telling 
him  of  the  attack  on  Royall's  camp  and  warning 
him  of  danger.  As  soon  then  as  the  telegraph  line 
was  broken,  which  was  about  sunset  on  the  1 3th,  it 
was  notice  to  McClellan  that  we  were  in  his  rear 
and  on  his  line  of  communication. 

There  was  now  but  one  route  by  which  we  could 
return,  and  that  was  up  James  River.  Yet  he 
made  no  signs  of  a  movement  to  prevent  it,  and  the 
only  evidence  that  he  knew  of  our  presence  is  a 
telegram  to  Stanton  on  the  next  day — dated  II 
A.M.,  June  I4th,  saying  that  a  body  of  cavalry  had 
passed  around  his  right  and  that  he  had  sent  cavalry 
in  pursuit  to  punish  them.  Before  reaching  Tun- 
stall's,  Stuart  sent  a  squadron  to  burn  the  trans 
ports  in  the  river  and  a  wagon  train  that  was  load 
ing  from  them.  The  small  guard  fled  at  the  ap 
proach  of  our  cavalry,  while  the  schooners  and 
wagons  disappeared  in  smoke.  As  some  evidence 
of  the  consternation  produced  by  this  sudden  irrup 
tion,  I  will  mention  the  fact,  that  after  we  left  Old 
Church,  a  sergeant  with  twenty-five  men  of  the 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  231 

United  States  regular  cavalry  followed  on  under  a 
flag  of  truce  and  surrendered  to  our  rear-guard. 
They  supposed  they  were  cut  off  and  surrounded. 
The  Jeff  Davis  legion  was  the  rear-guard,  and  these 
were  the  only  enemies  they  saw. 

The  despatch  to  Stanton  shows  the  bewildered 
state  of  McClellan's  mind.  At  the  time  he  was 
writing  it  we  were  lying  on  the  banks  of  the  Chick- 
ahominy,  building  a  bridge  to  cross  on.  To  have 
caught  us,  it  was  not  necessary  to  pursue  at  all  ;  all 
that  he  had  to  do  was  to  spread  his  wings.  We 
halted  at  Tunstall's  long  enough  for  the  column  to 
close  up.  Our  march  was  slow,  the  artillery  horses 
had  broken  down,  and  we  were  encumbered  with  a 
large  number  of  prisoners  on  foot,  and  of  course  we 
could  march  no  faster  than  they  did.  After  dark 
the  column  moved  down  through  New  Kent  towards 
the  Chickahominy.  On  the  road  were  large  en 
campments  of  army  wagons.  Many  a  sutler  was 
ruined  that  night  ;  with  sad  hearts  they  fell  into 
line  with  the  prisoners,  and  saw  their  wagons,  with 
their  contents,  vanish  in  flames.  The  heavens  were 
lurid  with  the  light  reflected  from  the  burning 
trains,  and  our  track  was  as  brilliant  as  the  tail  of  a 
comet. 

The  Count  of  Paris,  who  was  on  McClellan's 
staff,  thus  describes  Stuart's  march  :  "  But  night 
had  come,  and  the  fires  kindled  by  his  hand  flash- 


232  MOSBTS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

ing  above  the  forest  were  so  many  signals  which 
drew  the  Federals  on  his  track."  Now,  the  Count 
of  Paris  evidently  means  that  the  glowing  sky  ought 
to  have  been  a  guide  to  the  Federal  generals  as  the 
pillar  of  fire  was  to  Moses.  As  a  fact,  the  only 
pursuers  we  saw  were  those  who  came  after  us  to 
surrender  under  a  flag  of  truce.  Stuart  halted  three 
hours  at  Baltimore  Store,  only  five  miles  from 
Tunstall's.  At  twelve  o'clock  he  started  again  for 
a  ford  of  the  Chickahominy,  which  was  eight  miles 
distant,  and  reached  it  about  daylight. 

That  summer  night  was  a  carnival  of  fun  I  can 
never  forget.  Nobody  thought  of  danger  or  of 
sleep,  when  champagne  bottles  were  bursting,  and 
Rhine  wine  was  flowing  in  copious  streams.  All 
had  perfect  confidence  in  their  leader.  In  the  riot 
among  the  sutlers'  stores  "  grim-visaged  war  had 
smoothed  his  wrinkled  front,"  and  Mars  resigned 
his  sceptre  to  the  jolly  god.  The  discipline  of 
soldiers  for  a  while  gave  way  to  the  wild  revelry  of 
the  crew  of  Comus.  During  all  of  this  time  General 
Emory  was  a  few  miles  off,  at  Tunstall's  Station, 
hunting  our  tracks  in  the  sand  with  a  lighted  candle. 
Stuart  had  expected  to  ford  the  Chickahominy  ;  but 
when  we  got  there,  it  was  found  overflowing  from 
the  recent  rains,  and  impassable.  Up  to  this  point 
our  progress  had  been  as  easy  as  the  descent  to 
Avernus  ;  but  now,  to  get  over  the  river,  hie  labor \ 


MOSBTS    WAR   REMINISCENCES.  233 

hie  opus  est.  He  was  fortunate  in  having  two 
guides,  Christian  and  Frayser,  who  lived  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  knew  all  the  roads  and  fords  on 
the  river.  Christian  knew  of  a  bridge,  or  rather, 
where  a  bridge  had  been,  about  a  mile  below  the 
ford,  and  the  column  was  immediately  headed  for 
it.  But  it  had  been  destroyed,  and  nothing  was 
left  but  some  of  the  piles  standing  in  the  water. 
He  was  again  fortunate  in  having  two  men,  Burke 
and  Hagan.  who  knew  something  about  bridge- 
building.  Near  by  were  the  remains  of  an  old  ware 
house,  out  of  which  they  built  a  bridge.  It  was 
marvellous  with  what  rapidity  the  structure  grew  ; 
in  a  few  hours  it  was  finished — it  seemed  almost  by 
magic.  It  was  not  as  good  a  bridge  as  Caesar  threw 
over  the  Rhine,  but  it  was  good  enough  for  our 
purpose.  While  the  men  were  at  work  upon  it, 
Stuart  was  lying  down  on  the  bank  of  the  stream, 
in  the  gayest  humor  I  ever  saw  him,  laughing  at  the 
prank  he  had  played  on  McClellan. 

As  I  was  a  believer  in  the  Napoleonic  maxim  of 
making  war  support  war,  I  had  foraged  extensively 
during  the  night,  and  from  the  sutlers'  stores 
spread  a  feast  that  Epicurus  might  have  envied. 
During  all  the  long  hours  that  we  lay  on  the  bank 
of  the  river  waiting  for  the  bridge,  no  enemy  ap 
peared  in  sight.  That  was  a  mystery  nobody  could 
understand.  There  was  some  apprehension  that 


234  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

McClellan  was  allowing  us  to  cross  over  in  order  to 
entrap  us  in  the  forks  of  the  Chickahominy.  When, 
at  last,  about  two  o'clock,  the  cavalry,  artillery, 
prisoners  and  captured  horses  and  mules  were  all 
over,  and  fire  had  been  set  to  the  bridge,  some  of 
Rush's  lancers  came  on  a  hill  and  took  a  farewell 
look  at  us.  They  came,  and  saw,  and  went  away, 
taking  as  their  only  trophy  a  drunken  Dutchman 
we  had  left  on  the  road.  General  Emory  received 
news  of  the  crossing  eight  miles  off  at  Baltimore 
Store.  Our  escape  over  the  river  was  immediately 
reported  to  him.  In  his  official  report,  he  says  that 
we  crossed  the  Chickahominy  at  daylight  and  that 
we  left  faster  than  we  came.  Now,  I  am  unable  to 
see  the  evidence  of  any  particular  haste  in  the 
march  :  in  fact,  it  seems  to  have  been  conducted 
very  leisurely.  About  one  o'clock  P.M.,  on  the 
1 3th,  we  captured  Royall's  camp  at  Old  Church  ; 
about  sunset  we  reached  Tunstall's,  nine  miles  dis 
tant,  and  at  daylight  on  the  I4th  got  to  a  point  on 
the  Chickahominy  twelve  miles  from  there,  where  we 
stayed  until  noon.  So  if  we  had  been  pursued  at  the 
rate  of  a  mile  an  hour,  we  would  have  been  overtaken. 
But  the  danger  was  not  over  when  we  were  over 
the  Chickahominy.  We  were  still  thirty-five  miles 
from  Richmond  and  in  the  rear  of  McClellan's 
army,  which  was  five  or  six  miles  above  us.  It  was 
necessary  to  pass  through  swamps  where  the  horses 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  235 

sunk  to  their  saddle  girths,  and  when  we  emerged 
from  these,  we  had  to  go  for  twenty  miles  on  a  road 
in  full  view  of  the  enemy's  gunboats  on  one  side  of 
us  in  the  James  River,  and  McClellan's  army  within 
a  few  miles  on  the  other.  Nothing  would  have 
been  easier  than  for  him  to  have  thrown  a  division 
of  infantry  as  well  as  cavalry  across  our  path.  Then 
nothing  could  have  saved  us  except  such  a  miracle 
as  destroyed  Pharaoh  and  his  host.  Stuart,  appre 
hending  a  movement  on  McClellan's  left,  had  sent 
a  messenger  early  in  the  morning  to  General  Lee 
requesting  him  to  make  a  diversion  in  his  favor. 
But  we  were  out  of  danger  before  he  had  time  to 
do  it.  After  getting  through  the  swamp  the  com 
mand  halted  in  Charles  City  for  several  hours  to 
give  rest  to  the  men  and  horses.  Stuart  then 
turned  over  the  command  to  Fitz  Lee,  as  we  were 
then  in  comparative  safety,  and  with  two  men  rode 
on  to  General  Lee's  headquarters,  which  he  reached 
about  daybreak  the  next  morning.  During  the 
night  march  I  was  in  advance  of  the  column,  but 
saw  nothing  in  the  path  except  occasionally  a  negro 
who  would  dart  across  it  going  into  the  Union  lines. 
Early  in  the  morning,  just  as  I  got  in  sight  of  Rich 
mond,  I  met  Stuart  returning  to  the  command. 
Although  he  had  been  in  the  saddle  two  days  and 
nights  without  sleep,  he  was  as  gay  as  a  lark  and 
showed  no  signs  of  weariness.  He  had  a  right  to 


236  MOSBVS    WAR   REMINISCENCES. 

be  proud  ;  for  he  had  performed  a  feat  that  to  this 
day  has  no  parallel  in  the  annals  of  war.  I  said  to 
him,  "This  will  make  you  a  major-general."  He 
said,  "  No,  I  don't  think  I  can  be  a  major-general 
until  we  have  10,000  cavalry."  But  in  six  weeks 
he  had  that  rank. 

This  expedition,  in  which  Stuart  had  ridden 
around  McClellan  in  a  circle  of  a  radius  of  ten  miles, 
created  almost  as  much  astonishment  in  Richmond 
and  even  in  Europe  as  if  he  had  dropped  from  the 
clouds,  and  made  him  the  hero  of  the  army.  It  had 
an  electric  effect  on  the  morale  of  the  Confederate 
troops  and  excited  their  enthusiasm  to  a  high  pitch. 
Always  after  that  the  sight  of  Stuart  on  the  field 
was  like 

A  blast  of  that  dread  horn 
On  Fontarabian  echoes  borne. 

McClellan  attempts  in  his  report  to  belittle  it,  by 
saying  that  in  this  affair  Stuart's  cavalry  did  nothing 
but  gain  a  little  dclat ;  but  with  more  truth  it  might 
be  said  that  by  it  he  lost  a  good  deal.  His  staff 
officer,  the  Count  of  Paris,  says,  in  reference  to 
these  operations  of  our  cavalry  :  "  They  had,  in 
point  of  fact,  created  a  great  commotion,  shaken 
the  confidence  of  the  North  in  McClellan,  and 
made  the  first  experiment  in  those  great  cavalry  ex 
peditions  which  subsequently  played  so  novel  and 
so  important  a  part  during  the  war." 


MOSBTS    WAR  REMINISCENCES,  237 

At  midnight,  on  June  14,  at  the  very  hour  when 
we  were  marching  along  his  left  flank,  McClellan 
telegraphed  to  Stanton,  "  All  quiet  in  every  direc 
tion  ;  the  stampede  of  last  night  has  passed  away." 
In  his  telegram  six  hours  before,  he  had  said  that 
we  ran  away  from  an  infantry  force,  at  Tunstall's, 
that  he  had  sent  after  us.  The  fact  was  that  we 
left  that  place  long  before  the  infantry  arrived  there, 
and  never  heard  of  it  until  long  after  we  left.  Gen. 
Reynolds  says  he  never  saw  us.  The  stampede 
that  McClellan  talks  about  was  not  in  our  ranks. 
The  Count  of  Paris  again  says  :  "  As  soon  as  he 
[Stuart]  was  known  to  be  at  Tunstall's,  McClellan 
had  divined  his  purpose,  and  despatched  Averill  to 
intercept  him." 

I  have  made  a  diligent  examination  of  the  archives 
of  the  war,  but  have  been  unable  to  find  any  author 
ity  for  this  statement.  The  despatches  of  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief,  the  corps,  division,  brigade,  and  regi 
mental  commanders,  in  reference  to  this  raid,  have 
all  been  published,  besides  the  report  of  Col.  Clitz, 
who  was  ordered  to  investigate  the  conduct  of  those 
who  were  charged  with  the  pursuit.  They  all  relate 
to  the  operations  on  McClellan's  right,  and  there  is 
perfect  silence  as  to  any  attempt  to  intercept  us  on 
his  left,  or  any  order  to  do  so.  Averill,  who  was 
stationed  with  the  cavalry  on  the  left  flank,  is  no 
where  mentioned,  and  there  is  no  report  from  him. 


238  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

After  we  crossed  the  Chickahominy  we  were  in  a 
cul  de  sac,  formed  by  the  junction  of  that  river  with 
the  James.  Yet  we  never  saw  an  enemy  in  that 
vicinity,  although  they  must  or  ought  to  have  had 
twenty-four  hours'  notice  that  we  were  coming,  as 
the  army  headquarters  were  connected  with  each 
corps  by  both  telegraph  lines  and  signal  stations. 

As  McClellan  was  very  much  criticised  for  per 
mitting  Stuart  to  escape,  if  it  had  been  due  to  the 
failure  of  Averill  or  any  one  else  to  execute  his 
orders,  he  would  have  put  the  blame  where  it  be 
longed.  McClellan's  conduct  on  this  occasion  has 
always  been  unaccountable  to  me,  and  the  only  ex 
planation  I  have  ever  seen  of  it  is  in  the  report  of 
Gen.  Pleasanton,  who  soon  after  that  became  his 
chief  of  cavalry.  Pleasanton  says  :  "  McClellan 
dreaded  the  rebel  cavalry,  and  supposed  that  by 
placing  his  army  on  a  peninsula,  with  a  deep  river 
on  each  side,  he  was  safe  from  that  arm  of  the 
enemy  ;  but  the  humiliation  on  the  Chickahominy, 
of  having  a  few  thousand  of  the  enemy's  cavalry 
ride  completely  around  his  army,  and  the  igno 
minious  retreat  to  Harrison's  Landing,  are  additional 
instances  in  support  of  the  maxim  4  that  a  general 
who  disregards  the  rules  of  war  finds  himself  over 
whelmed  by  the  consequences  of  such  neglect,  when 
the  crisis  of  battle  follows/  "  1 

1  This  was  written  by  Pleasanton  after  the  war.  He  does  not 
seem  to  have  felt  the  humiliation  of  Stuart's  ride  around  him  to 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


239 


At  that  time  Pleasanton  was  commanding  the  2d 
U.  S.  Cavalry.  The  telegraph  line  at  Tunstall's 
was  repaired  soon  after  Reynolds  arrived,  on  the 
night  of  the  I3th  ;  and  it  is  impossible  to  believe 
that  he  and  Ingalls  did  not  inform  the  general-in- 
chief  which  way  we  had  gone.  Stuart  then  had  no 
choice  of  routes,  but  was  confined  to  the  road  up 
James  River,  or  not  to  return  at  all.  This  raid  is 
unique,  and  distinguished  from  all  others  on  either 
side  during  the  war,  on  account  of  the  narrow  limits 
in  which  the  cavalry  was  compelled  to  operate. 
From  the  time  when  he  broke  through  McClellan's 
line  on  his  right  until  he  had  passed  around  him  on 
his  left  Stuart  was  enclosed  by  three  unfordable 
rivers,  over  one  of  which  he  had  to  build  a  bridge 
to  cross.  During  the  whole  operation  the  cavalry 
never  drew  a  sabre  except  at  the  first  picket  post 
they  encountered.  But  it  was  something  more 
than  a  mere  raid  on  McClellan's  communications  ; 
it  was,  in  fact,  a  reconnaissance  in  force  to  ascertain 
the  exact  location  of  the  different  corps  of  his  army, 
and  the  prelude  to  the  great  battles  that  began  ten 
days  afterwards,  in  which  Jackson's  flank  was  cov 
ered  by  Stuart's  cavalry.1 

Chambersburg,   when  he,   as  chief  of  cavalry  of  the  army  of  the 
Potomac,  was  charged  with  the  duty  of  pursuing  him. 

1  General  Lee's  congratulatory  order  is  as  follows  : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  NORTHERN  VA., 
General  Orders,  No.  74.  June  23,  1862. 

The  commanding  general  announces  with  great  satisfaction  to 


240  MOSBYS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

The  seven  days'  battles  were  fought  behind  in- 
trenchments,  and  in  swamps  which  afforded  no  op 
portunity  for  the  use  of  cavalry  except  in  guarding 
the  flanks  of  the  infantry  and  the  minor  operations 

the  army  the  brilliant  exploit  of  Brigadier-General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart, 
with  part  of  the  troops  under  his  command.  This  gallant  officer, 
with  portions  of  the  1st,  4th,  and  gth  Virginia  Cavalry,  a  part  of 
the  Jeff  Davis  Legion,  with  whom  were  the  Boykin  Rangers,  and 
a  section  of  the  Stuart  Horse  Artillery,  on  the  I3th,  I4th,  and  I5th 
of  June,  made  a  reconnoissance  between  the  Pamunkey  and  the 
Chickahominy  rivers,  and  succeeded  in  passing  around  the  rear  of 
the  whole  of  the  Union  army,  routing  the  enemy  in  a  series  of 
skirmishes,  taking  a  number  of  prisoners,  and  destroying  and  cap 
turing  stores  to  a  large  amount.  Having  most  successfully  accom 
plished  its  object,  the  expedition  recrossed  the  Chickahominy 
almost  in  the  presence  of  the  enemy,  with  the  same  coolness  and 
address  that  marked  every  step  of  its  progress,  and  with  the  loss 
of  but  one  man,  the  lamented  Captain  Latane,  of  the  gth  Virginia 
Cavalry,  who  fell  bravely  leading  a  successful  charge  against  a 
superior  force  of  the  enemy.  In  announcing  the  signal  success  to 
the  army,  the  general  commanding  takes  great  pleasure  in  express 
ing  his  admiration  of  the  courage  and  skill  so  conspicuously  ex 
hibited  throughout  by  the  general  and  the  officers  and  men  under 
his  command.  In  addition  to  the  officers  honorably  mentioned  in 
the  report  of  the  expedition,  the  conduct  of  the  following  privates 
has  received  the  special  commendation  of  their  respective  com 
manders  :  Private  Thomas  D.  Clapp,  Co.  D,  ist  Virginia  Cavalry, 
and  J.  S.  Mosby,  serving  in  the  same  regiment  ;  privates  Ashton, 
Brent,  R.  Herring,  F.  Herring,  and  F.  Coleman,  Co.  E,  gth  Vir 
ginia  Cavalry. 

By  command  of 
R.  H.  CHIETON,  A.  A.  G.  GENERAL  LEE. 

In  General  McClellan's  posthumous  book  there  is  a  private  letter 
of  his,  dated  June  isth,  10.45  P-M.,  in  which  he  says  :  "  I  then 
gave  orders  to  Averill  for  a  surprise  party  to-morrow,  to  repay 
Secesh  for  his  raid  of  day  before  yesterday."  So  the  surprise  party 
was  not  ordered  until  Stuart  had  got  back  to  camp. 


MOSBYS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


241 


of  outpost  duty.  When  they  were  over,  the  cavalry 
had  a  short  respite  from  labor.  I  never  could  rest 
inactive  ;  and  so  I  asked  Stuart  to  let  me  take  a 
party  of  men  to  northern  Virginia. 

Gen.  Pope  had  then  just  assumed  command  of 
that  department.  He  had  a  long  line  of  communi 
cations  to  guard  ;  and  his  scattered  army  corps 
offered  fine  opportunities  for  partisan  war.  The 
wiser  policy  of  concentration  had  not  then  been 
adopted  by  the  Federal  generals.  Stuart  was  re 
cruiting  his  cavalry,  and  was  not  willing  to  spare 
any  for  detached  service  ;  but  gave  me  a  letter  of 
introduction  to  Gen.  Jackson,  who  had  been  sent 
up  to  Gordonsville  to  observe  Pope.  He  sent  him 
by  me  a  copy  of  Napoleon's  maxims,  which  had 
just  been  published  in  Richmond.  Stuart  wanted 
Jackson  to  furnish  a  detail  of  cavalry  to  go  with  me 
behind  Pope,  who  had  just  published  the  fact  to  the 
world  that  he  intended  to  leave  his  rear  to  take  care 
of  itself.  With  a  single  companion,  and  full  of  en 
thusiasm,  I  started  on  my  mission  to  Jackson.  I 
concluded  to  take  the  cars  at  Beaver  Dam  and  go 
on  in  advance  to  his  headquarters  and  wait  there  for 
my  horse  to  be  led  on.  I  was  sitting  in  the  depot, 
and  my  companion  had  hardly  got  out  of  sight, 
when  a  regiment  of  Union  cavalry  rode  up,  and  put 
an  attachment  upon  my  person.  They  had  ridden 
all  night  from  Fredericksburg  to  capture  the  train 


242  MOSBVS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

which  was  due  in  a  few  minutes.  I  was  chagrined, 
not  only  at  being  a  prisoner,  but  because  my  cher 
ished  hopes  were  now  disappointed.  The  regiment 
fronted  into  a  line  to  wait  for  the  cars  ;  and  they 
placed  me  in  the  front  rank.  I  called  to  an  officer, 
and  protested  against  being  put  where  I  would  be 
shot  by  the  guard  on  the  train.  For  some  reason, 
the  commanding  officer  gave  orders  to  leave  ;  per 
haps  it  was  because  he  was  as  much  opposed  to 
being  shot  as  I  was.  The  train  soon  afterwards 
arrived  ;  and  I  do  not  think  there  were  any  soldiers 
on  it.  That  night,  I  slept  on  the  floor  of  the  guard 
house  at  Fredericksburg  ;  on  the  next  day  the  cartel 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  was  agreed  on.  My 
imprisonment  lasted  ten  days  ;  and  I  confess  that  I 
rather  enjoyed  my  visit  to  Washington.  I  kept  up 
my  habits  as  a  scout,  and  collected  a  large  budget 
of  information.  The  steamer  on  which  I  came 
back  lay  four  days  in  Hampton  Roads,  and  then 
proceeded  up  James  River.  When  we  first  arrived 
there  I  noticed  a  large  number  of  transports,  with 
troops  on  board,  lying  near  Newport  News,  and 
learned  that  they  belonged  to  Burnside's  corps  just 
arrived  from  North  Carolina.  Here,  now,  was  a 
problem  for  me  to  solve.  Where  were  they  going  ? 
to  reinforce  Pope  or  McClellan  ?  I  set  about  to  find 
out.  If  they  went  to  Pope  it  meant  the  withdrawal 
of  McClellan.  The  captain  of  the  steamer  promised 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  243 

me  to  find  out  their  destination.  A  few  hours 
before  we  left,  I  observed  them  all  coming  down 
and  passing  out  by  Fort  Monroe.  When  the  cap 
tain  returned  from  on  shore,  he  told  me  that  the 
transports  were  going  up  the  Potomac.  This  settled 
the  question  ;  the  Peninsula  campaign  was  over. 

About  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  reached  the 
point  on  James  River  where  the  commissioners  had 
met.  I  knew  that  it  would  take  several  hours  to 
complete  the  exchange  and  every  minute  then  was 
precious.  I  whispered  to  the  Confederate  commis 
sioner — Judge  Culd — that  I  had  important  news  for 
General  Lee  and  he  let  me  go  immediately.  I 
started  off  with  a  haversack  full  of  lemons  I  had 
bought  at  Fort  Monroe  to  walk  twelve  miles  to 
headquarters  on  a  hot  day  in  August.  I  trudged  on 
several  hours  weary  and  footsore,  until  completely 
exhausted  I  had  fallen  down  on  the  roadside. 
While  lying  there  a  horseman  of  the  Hampton 
Legion  came  riding  by,  and  I  stopped  him  and  ex 
plained  my  condition  and  anxiety  to  see  General 
Lee.  He  dismounted,  put  me  on  his  horse,  took 
me  to  his  camp  near  by,  and,  getting  a  horse  for 
himself,  went  with  me  to  the  general's  headquarters. 
I  wish  that  I  knew  his  name  that  I  might  record  it 
with  the  praise  that  is  due  to  his  generous  deed. 
The  first  one  I  met  at  headquarters,  with  a  good 
deal  of  the  insolence  of  office,  told  me  that  I  could 


244  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

not  see  the  general.  I  tried  to  explain  that  I  did 
not  come  to  ask  a  favor,  but  to  bring  him  important 
information.  Another  one  of  the  staff  standing  by 
told  me  to  wait  a  moment.  He  stepped  into  the 
adjoining  room  and  soon  called  me  in.  I  now 
found  myself  for  the  first  time  in  the  presence  of 
the  great  commander  of  the  Army  of  Northern  Vir 
ginia.  He  was  alone  and  poring  over  some  maps 
on  the  table,  and  no  doubt  planning  a  new  cam 
paign.  Although  his  manner  was  gentle  and  kind, 
I  felt  for  him  an  awe  and  veneration  which  I  have 
never  felt  for  any  other  man.  He  was  then  the 
foremost  man  in  all  the  world,  and  I  almost  imag 
ined  that  I  saw  one  of  the  Homeric  heroes  before 
me.  With  some  embarrassment  I  told  what  I  had 
learned  about  Burnside's  troops.  He  listened  at 
tentively,  and  after  I  was  through  called  to  a  staff 
officer  to  have  a  man  ready  to  take  a  despatch  to 
General  Jackson.  At  that  time  communication  was 
kept  up  between  them  by  a  line  of  relay  couriers. 
They  were  afraid  to  trust  the  telegraph  that  had 
been  tampered  with  by  raiding  parties  from  Fred- 
ericksburg.  Jackson  received  the  despatch  that 
night  informing  him  that  Burnside  was  on  his  way 
to  Pope,  and  hastened  to  strike  him  at  Cedar  Moun 
tain  before  reinforcements  could  arrive.  Pope  says, 
"  This  battle  was  fought  at  a  distance  of  more  than 
one  hundred  miles  from  Richmond,  only  five  days 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  245 

after  General  McClellan  received  his  orders  to  with 
draw  and  five  days  before  he  had  commenced  to  do 
so,  or  had  embarked  a  man."  When  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  was  being  withdrawn  from  the  front  of 
Richmond,  Gen.  Lee  began  to  transfer  his  own  to 
the  line  of  the  Rapidan.  Stuart,  with  his  staff, 
came  ahead  by  rail  and  left  Fitz  Lee  to  bring  on 
the  cavalry  division.  I  joined  him  on  the  evening 
of  August  i/th,  and  that  night  we  rode  to  a  place 
called  Vidiersville  in  Orange  County,  where  we  ex 
pected  to  find  the  cavalry.  It  had  not,  however, 
come  up,  and  Stuart  sent  his  adjutant  to  look  for 
it,  and  the  rest  of  us — five  in  number — unsaddled 
our  horses  and  lay  down  to  sleep  on  the  porch  of  a 
house  by  the  roadside.  We  were  outside  our  picket 
lines  and  in  a  mile  or  so  of  the  enemy  on  the  river, 
but  did  not  think  there  was  much  risk  in  spending 
the  night  there. 

About  sunrise  the  next  morning  a  young  man 
named  Gibson,  who  had  been  a  fellow-prisoner  with 
me  in  the  Old  Capitol,  woke  me  up  and  said  that 
he  heard  the  tramp  of  cavalry  down  the  road.  We 
saddled  quickly,  and  started  to  see  what  it  was,  but 
first  woke  Stuart  up.  As  Fitz  Lee  was  due,  we 
supposed  it  was  our  own  cavalry,  but  there  was  a 
chance  that  it  might  be  the  enemy,  and  we  did  not 
want  to  be  again  caught  napping.  After  going 
about  two  hundred  yards,  we  saw  through  the 


246  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

morning  mist  a  body  of  cavalry  that  had  stopped  at 
a  house  to  search  it.  We  halted,  but  could  not  tell 
who  they  were.  Presently  two  officers  rode  forward 
and  began  firing  on  us.  This  convinced  me  that 
they  were  no  friends  of  mine,  and  as  neither  one  of  us 
had  a  pistol  or  a  sabre,  I  am  not  ashamed  to  say 
that  we  turned  and  ran  away  with  the  Yankee 
cavalry  close  after  us.  The  firing  saved  Stuart. 
He  had  walked  out  into  the  yard  bareheaded,  and 
when  he  heard  it,  mounted  his  horse  and  leaped 
over  the  fence,  and  escaped  through  the  back  yard 
with  one  of  his  aides  just  as  Gibson  and  I  passed  by 
at  full  speed.  The  cavalry  stopped  the  pursuit  to 
pick  up  Stuart's  hat  and  cloak  and  the  nice  patent- 
leather  haversack  I  had  brought  from  Washington, 
which  we  had  left  on  the  porch.  It  was  a  scouting 
party  General  Pope  had  sent  out.  They  had  caught 
Stuart's  adjutant  during  the  night  and  found  on 
him  a  letter  from  General  Lee,  disclosing  the  fact 
that  he  would  cross  the  river  to  attack  Pope  on  the 
2Oth.  So  Pope,  on  the  i8th,  issued  orders  to  with 
draw  beyond  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock  ;  he  had 
already  received  information  through  a  spy  that  our 
whole  army  was  assembling  in  his  front  and  was 
about  retreating  anyway.  If  the  cavalry  had  not 
stopped  at  the  house  they  would  have  caught  us  all 
asleep. 

Von   Borcke.  a  Prussian  officer  on  Stuart's  staff, 


MOSBVS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


247 


who  published  a  mass  of  fables,  under  the  title  of 
"  Memoirs  of  the  Confederate  War,"  gives  an  ac 
count  of  this  affair,  in  which  he  represents  himself 
as  playing  a  most  heroic  part.  As  Gibson  and  I 
were  between  him  and  the  enemy,  and  running  with 
all  our  might,  it  is  hard  to  discover  any  heroism  in 
anybody.  Von  Borcke's  horse  ran  faster  than  ours, 
and  that  was  the  only  distinction  he  won.  The 
chase  was  soon  over,  and  we  returned  immediately 
to  look  over  the  ground.  Just  as  Stuart  got  in 
sight  of  the  house,  he  saw  the  enemy  going  off  in 
triumph  with  his  hat  and  cloak.  In  two  days  the 
armies  were  again  confronting  each  other  on  the 
Rappahannock  ;  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  the 
Confederate  column  began  a  movement  up  the  river 
to  turn  Pope's  right.  Jackson's  corps  was  just  in 
rear  of  the  cavalry.  When  we  got  to  Waterloo 
bridge,  where  we  crossed,  Stuart  galloped  by,  and 
said  to  me,  laughing,  as  he  passed,  "  I  am  going 
after  my  hat."  I  had  no  idea  then  that  what  he 
said  would  come  true.  He  had  heard  that  Pope 
had  his  wagon  trains  parked  at  Catlett's,  on  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  and  was  going 
after  them.  Pope's  headquarters  were  ten  or  twelve 
miles  distant,  at  Rappahannock  Station.  Stuart 
had  with  him  about  1500  cavalry  and  two  pieces  of 
artillery.  We  passed  around  to  Pope's  rear  unob 
served,  and  got  to  Catlett's  just  after  dark.  A 


248  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

picket  post  on  the  road  was  captured  without  any 
alarm,  and  the  guards  with  the  trains  had  no  sus 
picion  of  our  presence  until  we  rode  into  their 
camp.  General  Pope  unjustly  censures  them.  Con 
sidering  the  surprise,  I  think  they  did  remarkably 
well.  It  was  no  fault  of  theirs  that  Stuart  had  got 
to  the  rear  of  their  army  without  being  discovered. 
It  was  the  duty  of  their  cavalry  on  the  front  to 
watch  him,  and  tell  them  he  was  coming.  Fortu 
nately  for  Pope,  the  most  terrific  storm  I  ever  saw 
came  up  before  we  reached  Catlett's.  But  for  that, 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  transportation  of  his  army 
would  have  been  destroyed.  The  night  was  pitch 
dark  and  the  rain  fell  in  torrents.  Flashes  of  light 
ning  would  often  illuminate  the  scene,  and  peals  of 
thunder  seemed  to  roll  from  pole  to  pole.  Stuart 
halted  about  half  a  mile  from  the  station,  and  sent 
the  First  and  Fifth  Virginia  cavalry  to  destroy  a 
large  park  of  wagons  whose  camp-fires  could  be 
seen.  I  went  along  with  my  old  regiment.  We 
had  to  cross  a  railroad  embankment  and  a  ditch,  of 
which  the  men  knew  nothing  until  they  tumbled 
into  it.  Most  of  them  scrambled  out,  and  got  into 
the  camp  on  the  other  side.  It  was  defended  by 
the  Bucktails,  who,  under  cover  of  the  wagons  and 
the  darkness,  poured  a  hot  fire  into  us.  All  that 
we  could  see  was  the  flashes  from  their  guns.  The 
animals  became  frightened,  and  increased  the  noise 


MOSBYS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  249 

and  confusion  of  the  fight.  The  shooting  and 
shouting  of  the  men,  the  braying  of  the  mules,  the 
glare  of  the  lightning  and  roll  of  the  thunder,  made 
it  seem  like  all  Pandemonium  had  broken  loose. 

But  cavalry,  in  a  fight  against  invisible  infantry, 
is  defenceless.  We  left  the  camp  with  little  or  no 
damage  to  ourselves  or  the  enemy.  Other  detach 
ments  were  more  successful  in  burning  wagons  and 
making  captures.  A  party  was  sent  to  burn  the 
railroad  bridge  over  Cedar  Run  ;  but  in  such  a 
storm  they  might  just  as  well  have  tried  to  burn 
the  creek.  It  happened  that  not  far  from  Catlett's 
we  met  a  negro  in  the  road,  who  recognized  Stuart 
as  an  old  acquaintance,  and  offered  to  conduct  him 
to  Pope's  headquarter  wagons.  The  Ninth  Virginia 
cavalry  was  sent  with  the  guide  after  them.  A 
festive  party  of  quartermasters  and  commissaries 
was  captured  there,  together  with  Pope's  money- 
chest,  despatch  book,  and  correspondence,  and  also 
his  wardrobe,  including  his  hat  and  ostrich  plume. 
Stuart  was  now  revenged — he  had  swapped  hats 
with  Pope. 

The  material  results  of  the  expedition  were  not 
what  had  been  expected.  The  storm  of  that  night 
—which  caused  a  rise  of  six  feet  in  the  river — was 
the  salvation  of  Pope.  The  raid  had,  however,  a 
demoralizing  effect  on  the  army  whose  communica 
tion  had  been  so  audaciously  assailed.  Von  Borcke, 


250 


MOSBY'S    WAR   REMINISCENCES. 


as  usual,  relates  prodigies  he  performed  that  were 
never  surpassed  by  Amadis  of  Gaul.  He  says  that 
he  was  detailed  by  Stuart  to  capture  Pope,  and  tells 
how  he  entered  his  tent  shortly  after  he  had  left. 
Now  Pope  had  never  been  on  the  spot  ;  his  head 
quarters  were  then  fifteen  miles  from  there  ;  and 
Stuart  knew  that  a  general  commanding  an  army 
does  not  sleep  with  his  wagon  trains.  We  returned 
the  next  morning  by  the  same  route  we  came,  but 
never  saw  an  enemy.  It  would  be  a  natural  ques 
tion  to  ask — what  was  Pope  doing  with  his  cavalry  ? 
In  the  storm  and  darkness  we  had  failed  to  cut  the 
telegraph  wire,  so  Pope  kept  up  communication 
with  Washington.  At  five  o'clock  P.M.  that  day — 
when  Stuart's  cavalry  was  in  the  rear  and  within  a 
few  miles  of  Catlett's,  he  told  Halleck,  "The  enemy 
has  made  no  attempt  to-day  to  cross  the  river. ' '  At 
nine  o'clock  that  night,  when  we  were  plundering 
his  headquarter  trains,  he  tells  Halleck  a  heavy 
force  had  crossed  the  river  that  day,  and  asked  him 
to  send  up  a  brigade  to  guard  the  bridge  over  Cedar 
Run.  But  for  the  providential  rain  the  bridge 
would  have  then  been  burning,  and  Halleck  would 
have  been  saved  the  trouble  of  sending  infantry  to 
protect  it.  Pope  had  no  idea  where  we  were. 
Fifteen  minutes  later,  he  tells  Halleck,  that  he  must 
either  fall  back  behind  Cedar  Run,  or  cross  the 
Rappahannock  at  daybreak  the  next  morning  and 


MOSBTS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  2$! 

assail  the  rear  of  the  Confederate  army.  Halleck 
advised  the  latter  movement.  Pope  said  the  rise  of 
the  river  that  night  that  swept  away  his  bridges  pre 
vented  his  crossing.  Here  Providence  stepped  in 
again  and  saved  him.  If  the  "  stars  in  their  courses 
fought  against  Sisera, "  so  did  the  floods  against 
Robert  E.  Lee  in  this  campaign. 

At  that  time  Jackson  and  Longstreet  were  in 
front  of  Pope,  and  Stuart  was  behind  him.  A  week 
after  this  he  was  defeated,  when  we  were  no 
stronger  and  he  had  received  at  least  25,000  rein 
forcements  from  McClellan.  But  General  Pope  had 
left  out  an  important  factor  in  his  calculation, — and 
that  was  Stonewall  Jackson.  He  had  already 
thrown  one  of  his  brigades  over  the  river  at  Sulphur 
Springs,  but  the  storm  arrested  the  passage  of  the 
others.  If  General  Pope  had  attempted  such  a 
movement  as  he  indicated  to  Halleck,  General  Lee 
would  not  have  interfered  with  it  but  let  him  go  on. 
Jackson  and  Stuart  would  then  have  swept  down 
the  north  bank  of  the  river  in  his  rear,  and  General 
Pope  would  have  found  himself  in  the  condition  of 
a  fly  in  an  exhausted  receiver.  This  would  have 
saved  Jackson  the  long  flank  march  he  afterwards 
made  to  Manassas  without  involving  his  separation 
from  Longstreet.  Speaking  of  the  raid  on  Catlett's, 
General  Pope  says  :  "  At  the  time  this  cavalry  force 
attacked  Catlett's— and  it  certainly  was  not  more 


252  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

than  three  hundred  strong — our  whole  army  trains 
were  parked  at  that  place,  and  were  guarded  by  not 
less  than  1500  infantry  and  five  companies  of  cav 
alry.  The  success  of  this  small  party  of  the  enemy, 
although  very  trifling  and  attended  with  but  very 
little  damage,  was  most  disgraceful  to  the  force  that 
had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  trains."  It  was  cer 
tainly  not  the  fault  of  the  troops  guarding  the  trains 
that  they  had  no  notice  that  we  were  coming  ;  and 
I  think  he  has  greatly  exaggerated  their  num 
ber. 

On  the  25th,  Jackson,  having  gone  higher  up  the 
river,  crossed  the  Rappahannock  four  miles  above 
Waterloo  Bridge,  which  was  held  by  Sigel's  Corps 
and  Buford's  Cavalry.  The  Black  Horse  Company  1 
acted  as  his  escort,  and  the  Second  Virginia  Cavalry 
led  the  advance.  The  signal  stations  near  the  rivers 
reported  this  movement  immediately  to  Gen.  Pope. 
An  officer  in  the  army  under  Pope,  who  had  been  a 
classmate  of  Jackson's  at  West  Point,  thus  speaks 
of  the  great  hero  and  his  wonderful  march  :  "In 
that  devotion  which  men  yield  to  monarchs  of  the 
battle-field  ;  in  that  glow  of  pride  which  men  share 
with  the  great  chieftain  whose  powers  have  created 
chances  and  directed  results, — the  soldier  subjects 
under  Napoleon  Bonaparte  were  closely  allied  in 

1  Commanded  by  Capt.  A.  D.  Payne. 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  253 

enthusiasm,  in  worship,  and  in  admiration  with  the 
soldier  citizens  under  Stonewall  Jackson."  .  .  . 

"  The  sun  sank  down  ;  the  stars  appeared  ;  the 
night  sped  on  till  nearly  twelve,  when  Jackson's 
advance  had  approached  within  one  mile  of  Salem, 
where,  as  his  weary  column  sank  down  to  rest,  Mc 
Dowell  received  the  message  that  Pope  believed  the 
enemy  was  marching  for  the  Shenandoah  Valley  by 
way  of  Front  Royal  and  Luray. 

On  the  mathematical  principle  that  parallel  lines 
meet  in  infinity,  Jackson  might  have  reached  the 
valley  by  the  route  he  had  travelled.  His  camp 
that  night  was  in  Pope's  rear,  and  in  twelve  miles 
of  McDowell,  who  was  occupying  Warrenton.  But 
Gen.  Pope  was  bewildered,  and  appeared  to  have 
no  suspicion  of  where  he  was  going.  At  daylight 
no  reveille  sounded  in  the  Confederate  camps  ;  but 
Jackson  moved  silently  on,  and  turned  to  the  east. 
<A.fter  his  column  had  passed  out  of  sight  of  the 
signal  stations,  Gen.  Pope  seemed  to  lose  entirely 
the  touch  of  it  ;  but  the  "  lost  Pleiad  "  kept  on  its 
way.  A  competent  general  would  have  struck  Jack 
son's  flank  with  a  cavalry  reconnoissance  on  his  first 
day's  march.  I  do  not  know  whether  the  failure  to 
do  so  was  the  fault  of  the  chief  of  cavalry  or  the 
commander-in-chief. 

On  the  26th,  before  daylight,  Stuart's  cavalry 
corps  crossed  the  Rappahannock  and  followed  the 


254  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

route  Jackson  had  taken  the  day  before,  until  it  got 
to  Salem,  and  then  turned  to  the  right.  About 
four  o'clock  P.M.,  we  overtook  Gen.  Jackson  at 
Gainesville  ;  having  marched  all  day  around  the 
flank  and  rear  of  the  Federal  army  without  seeing 
an  enemy.  We  were  now  within  about  seven  miles 
of  Manassas  Junction.  On  the  same  day,  Long- 
street  followed  on  Jackson's  track.  While  all  this 
was  going  on  in  his  rear,  Gen.  Pope's  attention  had 
been  attracted  by  some  Confederate  batteries  that 
kept  up  a  fire  in  his  front.  His  army  remained 
motionless.  Its  very  tranquillity  at  last  became  op 
pressive  ;  some  feared  that  it  was  the  awful  stillness 
that  precedes  the  storm  ;  that  he  was  imitating 
Napoleon  at  Austerlitz,  and  allowing  one  wing  of 
our  army  to  be  extended  in  order  to  pierce  its  centre 
and  destroy  it.  About  six  o'clock  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  26th,  the  advance  of  Jackson's  column,  under 
Col.  Munford,  struck  the  Orange  &  Alexandria 
Railroad  at  Bristoe  Station,  nine  miles  from  Pope's 
headquarters,  which  were  at  Warrenton  Junction. 
The  small  guard  was  surprised  and  captured  ;  they 
had  no  more  expectation  of  seeing  Stonewall  Jack 
son  than  Hamlet's  ghost.  Just  then  a  train  came 
up,  and  ran  the  gauntlet  under  fire,  that  carried  the 
astounding  news  to  Manassas,  five  miles  off.  From 
there  it  was  telegraphed  to  Washington.  Two 
more  trains  came  along  in  a  few  minutes,  that  had 


MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


255 


just  left  headquarters,  and  were  caught.  Stuart 
was  then  sent  on  with  a  force  of  infantry  and  cav 
alry  to  capture  Manassas,  which,  with  all  its  im 
mense  stores,  fell  into  his  hands.  Twenty  thousand 
Confederate  troops  were  now  behind  Gen.  Pope  ; 
and  Longstreet  was  marching  around  his  flank  ;  but 
his  army  still  faced  the  other  way.  As  Gen.  Jack 
son  says,  "  My  command  was  now  in  the  rear  of 
Gen.  Pope's  army,  separating  it  from  the  Federal 
capital  and  base  of  supplies." 

This  march  of  Jackson's  I  regard  as  one  of  the 
most  wonderful  things  ever  achieved  in  war.  Gen. 
Pope  says  that  it  "  was  plainly  seen  and  promptly 
reported  to  Gen.  Halleck,"  but  that  so  confidently 
did  he  rely  on  troops  promised  from  Washington 
being  in  position  to  oppose  Jackson  that  it  gave 
him  no  uneasiness.  That  it  gave  Gen.  Pope  no  un 
easiness,  I  think  is  due  to  the  fact  that  he  knew 
nothing  about  it.  It  certainly  would  have  given 
Napoleon  or  Wellington  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness 
to  have  had  Stonewall  Jackson  with  20,000  men  in 
his  rear  and  in  nine  miles  of  his  headquarters. 
Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  his  knowledge  of  what 
Jackson  was  doing  cannot  be  reconciled  with  fidelity 
to  his  government,  and  his  contemporaneous  de 
spatches  and  conduct.  They  can  only  be  explained 
on  the  theory  of  his  ignorance  of  the  movement,  or 
his  co-operation  with  Jackson.  The  night  before  he 


250 


MOSBY'S    WAR   REMINISCENCES. 


had  told  McDowell  that  he  believed  the  Confederate 
troops  had  gone  to  the  Shenandoah  valley.  Jack 
son,  I  know,  did  marvellous  things  ;  but  Gen.  Pope 
could  hardly  have  thought  he  could  march  an  army 
east  and  west  at  the  same  time.  If  he  knew  that 
Jackson  was  going  to  Manassas,  he  could  not  have 
believed  that  he  had  gone  to  the  valley.  Admitting 
that  he  thought  Franklin's  corps  was  at  Manassas 
to  meet  him,  he  would  be  a  curious  commander-in- 
chief  not  to  inquire  if  it  was  or  not  to  give  his  sub 
ordinate  warning  of  the  enemy's  approach,  in  order 
that  he  might  get  ready  to  fight,  or  burn  his  stores 
and  run  away.  If  he  had  even  called  the  telegraph 
operators  at  Bristoe  and  Manassas,  they  could  have 
told  him  that  there  were  just  enough  troops  there  to 
get  caught,  and  that  they  knew  nothing  of  Jack 
son's  coming.  He  tells  McDowell,  after  Jackson 
got  to  Bristoe,  that  the  enemy's  cavalry  have  inter 
rupted  communication  with  Manassas,  and  orders  a 
single  regiment  to  go  down  on  the  cars  to  repair  the 
damage.  Did  he  think  one  regiment  could  drive 
Stonewall  Jackson  away  ? 

The  next  morning  Halleck  sends  up  a  brigade  to 
Manassas,  that  was  almost  annihilated, — its  com 
mander  killed,  and  the  train  captured  on  which  they 
came.  If  Halleck  had  known  he  was  sending  them 
into  the  jaws  of  death,  he  would  have  incurred  a 
criminal  responsibility.  All  of  General  Pope's 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMIATISCEKCES. 

orders  and  despatches  at  the  time  have  been  pub 
lished  ;  there  is  not  a  hint  in  any  of  them  that  he 
knew  of  Jackson's  movement  around  him.  The 
first  time  he  suspected  it  was  when  the  telegraph 
wire  was  cut,  and  he  had  to  stop  talking  with  Hal- 
leek.  Three  hours  after  that,  McDowell  telegraphs 
to  Pope  that  an  intelligent  negro  had  just  come  in 
and  reported  that  Jackson  had  passed  through 
Thoroughfare  Gap  that  day.  Pope's  answer  shows 
that  this  news  was  a  revelation  and  a  surprise  to 
him. 

At  that  time  Jackson's  men,  after  a  march  of  over 
fifty  miles  in  two  days,  were  eating  his  rations  in 
sight  of  the  blazing  bridges  and  railroad  trains  at 
Manassas.  The  next  day  a  cavalry  reconnoissance 
under  Buford  was  ordered  to  Salem,  to  ascertain 
the  truth  of  the  negro's  statement.  If  it  had  been 
sent  two  days -earlier  it  might  have  done  some  good. 
But  Pope  did  not  wait  to  hear  from  Buford,  but 
changed  front  and  hastened  towards  Manassas  to 
recover  his  communications.  Buford  returned  with 
his  broken-down  cavalry  to  Warrenton  that  night, 
but  Pope's  whole  army  had  gone.  During  that  day 
Jackson's  wearied  soldiers  were  resting  and  refresh 
ing  themselves  from  their  abundant  spoils.  At 
night  Jackson  marched  away  towards  Thoroughfare 
to  unite  with  Longstreet.  The  supplies  that  he 
could  not  transport  were  burned.  Pope's  army 


258  MOSBYS   WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

with  the  railroad  broken  was  now  in  a  starving  con 
dition.1  To  lead  Pope  astray,  A.  P.  Hill's  division 
was  sent  a  roundabout  way  by  Centreville  and  re 
joined  Jackson  the  next  day  at  Sudley. 

The  reason  that  Jackson  left  Manassas  was  that 
Stuart  had  captured  a  despatch  showing  that  Pope 
was  concentrating  his  army  on  that  point.  General 
Jackson  says  :  "  General  Stuart  kept  me  advised  of 
the  movements  of  the  enemy."  In  a  despatch  to 
Fitz  John  Porter  on  the  evening  of  the  2/th,  Pope 
ordered  him  to  be  at  Bristoe  at  daylight  the  next 
morning  to  bag  Jackson  who  was  then  five  miles 
off.  General  Pope  says  that  Jackson  made  a  mis 
take  in  leaving  Manassas  before  he  got  there.  If 
Jackson  went  there  to  be  caught  it  was.  If  Pope 
had  reached  the  place  at  daylight  he  would  have 
found  nothing  but  a  rear-guard  of  Stuart's  cavalry. 
He  has  censured  Porter  for  not  getting  there  in  time 
to  bag  Jackson.  Pope  himself  arrived  about  noon. 
It  happened  that  the  evening  before  I  rode  off  to  a 
farmer's  house  to  get  some  supper  and  slept  under 
a  tree  in  the  yard.  The  next  morning  I  returned 
to  the  Junction  thinking  our  army  was  still  there. 
I  found  the  place  deserted  and  as  silent  as  the  cities 
of  the  plain.  So,  if  General  Pope  and  Fitz  John 
Porter  had  come  at  that  time  they  might  have 

1  See  his  despatch  to  Halleck. 


MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 


259 


caught  me,  that  is,  if  their  horses  were  faster  than 
mine.  Pope  was  deceived  by  Jackson's  stratagem 
and  marched  off  to  Centreville  to  find  him.  Every 
step  he  took  in  that  direction  carried  him  farther 
from  Jacksom  He  seemed  to  be  groping  in  the 
dark.  Instead  of  marching  his  infantry  off  in  the 
morning  on  a  fool's  errand  to  Manassas  in  search  of 
Jackson  he  ought  first  to  have  felt  the  enemy  with 
his  cavalry,  and  then  manoeuvred  his  army  so  as  to 
intercept  his  junction  with  Longstreet.  Pope  did 
exactly  the  reverse. 

On  the  evening  of  the  28th,  Longstreet  drove 
Ricketts'  division  from  Thoroughfare  and  the  head 
of  his  column  bivouacked  in  about  six  miles  of  Jack 
son.  During  the  fight  I  rode  with  Stuart  towards 
the  Gap. 

As  Ricketts  was  then  between  him  and  Long- 
street,  Stuart  sent  a  despatch  by  a  trusty  messenger 
urging  him  to  press  on  to  the  support  of  Jackson. 

I  do  not  think  any  other  commander  ever  per 
formed  such  a  feat,  or  extricated  himself  from  such 
perils  as  environed  Jackson  on  this  expedition.  His 
success  was  largely  due  to  Stuart's  cavalry,  who 
were  the  eyes  of  the  army,  that  brought  him  quick 
intelligence  of  the  enemy,  and  as  the  Count  of  Paris 
says,  "  screened  all  Jackson's  movements  as  with 
an  impenetrable  veil."  On  the  morning  of  the 
2Qth,  in  a  despatch  to  Porter  and  McDowell,  Gen. 


260  MOSBY'S    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

Pope  says  :  "  The  indications  are  that  the  whole 
force  of  the  enemy  is  moving  in  this  direction  at  a 
pace  that  will  bring  them  here  by  to-morrow  night 
or  next  morning."  His  cavalry  could  not  then  have 
informed  him  of  the  result  of  the  combat  between 
Longstreet  and  Ricketts  on  the  afternoon  before  ; 
for  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  believe  that  the 
man  who  was  called  the  war-horse  of  the  Southern 
Army  would  take  two  days  to  march  six  miles  with 
the  thunders  of  battle  rolling  in  his  ears.  General 
Pope  does  not  seem  to  have  recovered  his  mental 
equilibrium  when  he  wrote  his  report,  for  he  says, 
in  one  place,  "  Every  indication  during  the  night  of 
the  29th  and  up  to  10  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
3Oth  pointed  to  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  from  our 
front  ;"  and  further  on  he  says,  "  During  the  whole 
night  of  the  2Qth  and  the  morning  of  the  soth  the 
advance  of  the  main  army  under  Lee  was  arriving 
on  the  field  to  reinforce  Jackson."  That  is,  the 
arrival  of  30,000  fresh  Confederate  troops  on  the 
field  was  a  sign  to  Gen.  Pope  that  they  were  running 
away. 

No  one  can  study  this  campaign  without  being 
struck  by  the  marked  difference  between  the  com 
manders  of  the  two  armies  in  the  employment  of 
their  cavalry.  A  distinguished  general  who  served 
under  Pope  says:  "  That  judicious  use  of  cavalry 
by  which  Jackson  covered  his  front,  concealed  his 


MOSBVS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  26l 

movements,  discovered  his  enemies,  and  succeeded 
in  his  raids,  had  not  at  that  period  been  generally 
appreciated  by  Federal  commanders,  and  was 
almost  entirely  neglected  by  Pope." 

I  cannot  close  this  account  of  the  part  borne  by 
Stuart's  cavalry  in  this  campaign  without  some 
reference  to  the  use  that  has  been  made  of  his  re 
port  of  it  by  the  partisans  of  General  Pope,  and  the 
criticism  it  has  borne  from  the  friends  of  General 
Porter.  It  is  remarkable  that  both  parties  should 
agree  in  the  construction  put  upon  it,  and  that  so 
clearly  a  wrong  one.  One  side  refers  to  it  to  prove 
the  assertion  of  General  Pope  :  "I  believe — in  fact 
I  am  positive — that  at  five  o'clock  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  2Qth  General  Porter  had  in  his  front  no  con 
siderable  body  of  the  enemy.  I  believed  then — as 
I  am  very  sure  now — that  it  was  easily  practicable 
for  him  to  have  turned  the  right  flank  of  Jackson 
and  to  have  fallen  on  his  rear  :  and  if  he  had  done 
so,  we  should  have  gained  a  decisive  victory  over 
the  army  under  Jackson  before  he  could  have  been 
joined  by  any  of  the  forces  of  Longstreet,"  etc. 
He  further  says  that  about  sunset  of  the  2Qth  the 
advance  of  Longstreet  began  to  arrive  on  the  field. 
The  essence  of  the  controversy  is  the  time  of  Long- 
street's  arrival.  Could  Porter  have  reached  Gaines 
ville,  the  objective  point  on  which  he  and  Long- 
street  marched  that  day,  in  time  to  have  executed 


262  MOSBTS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

the  order  of  4.30  P.M.  of  the  2Qth  to  turn  the  Con 
federate  flank  ?  While  the  order  does  not  specify 
Jackson's,  but  says  the  enemy's  flank,  it  clearly  re 
ferred  to  Jackson,  for  General  Pope  asserted  that 
Longstreet  was  not  then  on  the  field  and  could  not 
arrive  before  the  next  day.  As  Porter  and  Long- 
street  had  camped  the  night  before  about  the  same 
distance  from  that  place,  and  as  Porter,1  owing  to 
contradictory  orders,  had  marched  twice  the  dis 
tance  that  Longstreet  did,  the  presumption  is  that 
the  latter  arrived  there  first. 

To  my  mind  Stuart  is  a  conclusive  witness  for 
Porter.  Yet  one  critic  (General  Cox)  argues  that 
there  was  no  obstruction  but  Stuart's  cavalry  be 
tween  Porter  and  Jackson,  and  an  author  of  a  de 
fence  of  Porter  (General  George  H.  Gordon)  calls 
his  report  a  romance.  Stuart  says  that  General  Lee 
arrived  at  Gainesville  on  the  morning  of  the  2Qth 
with  Longstreet's  corps  ;  that  he  passed  his  cavalry 
through  Longstreet's  column  and  placed  it  on  his 
flank  ;  that  during  the  day  his  videttes  reported  the 
approach  of  Porter's  corps  ;  and  that  he  sent  notice 
of  it  to  General  Lee,  who  ordered  infantry  and 
artillery  to  his  support.  He  adds  that  in  the  mean 


1  Porter's  corps  camped  at  Bristoe  the  night  of  the  28th.  About 
6  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  2gth  he  was  ordered  by  Pope 
to  Centreville.  When  he  got  near  Bull  Run  he  was  ordered  to 
countermarch  to  Gainesville. 


MOSRYS    WAR  REMINISCENCES.  263 

time  he  kept  his  cavalry  dragging  brush  to  raise  a 
dust,   and  that  the  ruse  had  the  desired   effect  of 
deceiving  Porter.     As  Stuart  was  recovering  Long- 
street's  flank  he  would  be  close  to  it.     Now  the  ob 
ject  he  had  in  dragging  the  brush  was  to  deceive 
Porter  as  to  the  force  with  which  he  was  in  imme 
diate  contact.     His  saying  that  Porter  was  deceived 
by  it  was  the  mere  expression  of  his  opinion — not 
the  statement  of  a  fact.     Stuart's  object  was  to  gain 
time  enough  for  Longstreet  (not  Jackson)  to  read 
just  his  line  to  meet  a  threatened  attack  on  his 
flank.     That  was  all.     If  Porter  saw  a  heavy  cloud 
of  dust  rising  in  the  road  before  him,  he  could  not 
tell,  without  halting  his  column  and  reconnoitring, 
what  created  it.     But  the  delay  involved  in  doing 
this  was  all  that  Stuart  wanted.     Longstreet  had 
been   in   the   same   dilemma   at    Salem    two    days 
before  ;  when   he  reached    there   he  met  Buford's 
cavalry.     If  he  had  known  that  nothing  else  was  in 
front  of  him,  he  would  have  brushed  them  away 
with  a  few  skirmishers  without  losing  a  minute  on 
his  march.     But  he  halted  his  column,  he  says,  and 
was  detained  an  hour  before  he  could  find  out  what 
it  was.     Pope  was  deceived  by  a  few  shells  the  Con 
federates  threw  at  him  across  the  Rappahannock 
into  the  belief  that  our  army  was  in  his  front  when 
in  fact  it  was  in  his  rear.     The  divine  genius  has 
never  yet  appeared  in  war  that  could  always  at  a 


264  MO  SETS    WAR  REMINISCENCES. 

glance  detect  every  stratagem  and  see  through  every 
mask.  "  He  who  wars/'  says  Napier,  "  walks  in  a 
mist  through  which  the  keenest  eye  cannot  always 
discern  the  right  path." 

The  Military  Society  of  Massachusetts  has  published  a  volume 
of  papers  on  the  Fitz  John  Porter  case,  which  contains  a  letter 
from  Gen.  B.  H.  Robertson  to  Gen.  Porter,  in  which  he  says, 
"  There  was  no  cavalry  in  that  direction  [Manassas  Junction]  but 
mine,  which  was  held  there  the  remainder  of  the  day  ;"  and  again 
he  says  :  "  I  have  no  knowledge  of  bushes  having  been  dragged 
by  cavalry  to  create  the  impression  of  large  forces  coming,  or  for 
any  purpose.  Had  these  directions  been  given,  the  order  would 
naturally  have  been  transmitted  through  me.  I  heard  no  order  on 
that  subject."  And  Gen.  Porter  says,  "There  was  no  dragging 
of  brush,  nor  such  a  project  thought  of,  although  Gen.  Stuart  so 
states  in  his  report.  Gen.  Pope  harps  on  it."  The  conclusion 
suggested  is  that  the  statement  contained  in  Stuart's  report  is  false, 
because  Robertson  had  never  heard  of  it. 

"  There  are  more  things  in  heaven  and  earth  than  were  ever 
dreamt  of  in  your  philosophy,  Horatio  !"  Now,  Gen.  Robertson 
is  mistaken  in  saying  that  we  had  no  cavalry  in  the  direction  from 
which  Porter  approached  but  his  ;  Stuart  was  there  in  person  with 
a  part  of  Fitz  Lee's  brigade.  Gen.  Rosser,  who  was  then  a 
colonel  in  Lee's  brigade,  says  :  "  When  Stuart  joined  me  he  noti 
fied  me  that  the  enemy  was  moving  on  our  right  flank,  and  ordered 
me  to  move  my  command  up  and  down  the  dusty  road,  and  to 
drag  brush,  and  thus  create  a  heavy  dust,  as  though  troops  were  in 
motion.  I  kept  this  up  at  least  four  or  five  hours."  Robertson 
was  relieved  by  Stuart  of  his  command  immediately  after  the 
battle,  and  sent  back  to  a  camp  of  instruction.  As  Gen.  Porter 
was  not  inside  the  Confederate  lines  that  day,  it  is  hard  to  under 
stand  how  he  could  know  that  the  brush  was  not  dragged  to  raise 
a  dust  to  deceive  him,  or  that  nothing  of  the  sort  was  thought  of. 
I  am  glad  that  he  has  been  relieved  of  an  unjust  sentence  ;  but  I 
am  not  willing  to  be  silent  now,  when  "  young  Harry  Percy's  spur 
is  cold,"  and  see  his  reputation  sacrificed  to  save  Gen.  Porter's. 


